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Tinubu’s Political Travails

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This is not the best of times for former Governor of Lagos State, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu who is battling to extricate himself from the accusation that he sponsored hoodlums to attack the #EndSARS protesters at Lekki Toll Gate. Of course, his image seems to be on the nosedive since after the incident.
When youths trooped to the streets about three weeks ago, protesting against police brutality which they codenamed #EndSARS, not too many gave them the chance to go as far as they went until when the protests had rapidly spread across the country and nearly paralysed the nation.
The Lekki Toll Gate, a significant route in Lagos was completely shut down by the protesters who occupied the axis for 24 hours every day. Similar thing was happening simultaneously at the various Government Houses in the South-West and by last weekend, movement and businesses were brought to a standstill by the youths.
At a point, a source said one of the former governors in South-West led a delegation to President Muhammadu Buhari alleging that Tinubu was the one behind the protests.
Shortly thereafter, a Northern group, Miyetti Allah, issued a threat to Tinubu alleging the national leader of the All Progressive Congress (APC) was the brain behind the protests, while, at the same time, some admirers of the protesting youths also pointed accusing finger at Tinubu alleging that he tried to engage hoodlums to thwart the peaceful protests.
The situation degenerated penultimate week when shooting at the prostesters was recorded at the Lekki Toll Gate, and in spontaneous actions, hoodlums, who must have been waiting to strike took advantage of the situation to take over the streets and attack all the businesses associated with Tinubu.
Before the mayhem, Tinubu himself had issued a statement to clear his position on the protests where he acknowledged the fact that the country had witnessed massive protests by youths in different cities, which were ignited by widespread disenchantment with the gross human rights abuses, including torture, extortion, harassment, intimidation, and even extra-judicial killings of Nigerians by members of the disbanded Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS).
He aligned with the protesters demanding fundamental police reforms. This, according to Tinubu, is in sync with national aspiration in our national anthem, “to build a nation where peace and justice shall reign.”
But he also pointed out that the President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration had acted with commendable dispatch by not only scrapping SARS but also accepting the five-point demand that triggered the protests, which according to him, shows a laudable sensitivity to the grievances of the youths.
He said it was only fair that the government must be given the chance to implement the reforms demanded by the protesters. Tinubu’s argument was that all the demands could not be done instantaneously by the waving of a magic wand. He had said, “If the government had not implemented promised reforms in the past, the swiftness with which it has responded to the demands of the protesters this time around shows that there is a positive change by the government, both in attitude and of a new sense of urgency.”
He strongly appealed to the protesters to sheathe their sword, saying they had made their point and government had also shown commitment to grant all the demands.
For Tinubu to have now become the central figure in the crisis and being accused from both ends is a puzzle that must be unraveled.
Two days after the protest ended with soldiers allegedly shooting at protesters, at the Lekki Toll Gate, Tinubu in a media interview denied sponsoring anybody to attack or shoot at protesters. In the video making rounds on social media Tinubu praised himself as “the Jagaban of Lagos”. Since the end of his tenure as governor in 2007, Tinubu has played key roles in the emergence of three other governors that have come behind him. However, the recent governorship election in Edo State and the loss by his party painted Tinubu as a man losing ground. Before the election in Edo, Tinubu had appeared on air and openly canvassed votes for his party, while castigating the incumbent governor, Godwin Obaseki for not swearing in APC legislators in the Assembly. He described Obaseki’s action as unconstitutional and called for his rejection at the polls. With all the political war chest Tinubu mobilised to Edo, his party was trounced by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This not only painted Tinubu as losing popularity, but the PDP victory made a political statement that the West was losing its traditional grip on Mid-West State, which Edo symbolised.
Until Adams Oshiomhole came to power in 2008, Edo State had been a PDP enclave. Oshiomhole’s victory was attributed to his alliance with the West, especially Tinubu’s Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). With the stranglehold of the West broken on former Mid-West in the last Edo elections, it’s believed that Tinubu’s influence has whittled down.
Pundits are waiting to see how the scenario pans out ultimately from now till 2023, when Nigeria conducts another general election. In a fashion typical of Yoruba hew-and-cut brand of politics, the intrigues surrounding the former governor of Lagos State’s exploits in politics reached a crescendo last Tuesday, when an angry mob set ablaze businesses and investments that were allegedly linked to him.
While some analysts were of the view that his (Tinubu’s) ambition to contest the 2023 presidency was the reason why his political rivals master-minded the plot to wreck him financially, others hold that the arsonists attacked TVC, The Nation Newspaper, Oriental Hotels and other establishments to demonise him before the electorate.
Apart from his dominance of Lagos politics in spite of bitter oppositions within and outside his platform, Tinubu also joined forces with other politicians across the length and breadth of Nigeria to merge and form a mega party APC in 2014.
In 2013, the parties that made up APC were Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressives Change (CPC), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), a faction of All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and some disgruntled members of PDP led by Chairman of the splinter group, Kawu Baraje.
In 2015, APC, at its presidential primary held in Lagos, allegedly at the instance of Tinubu, President Muhammadu Buhari emerged as the party presidential candidate with the support of the national leader.
The choice of Buhari’s mate also degenerated into subtle crisis within the party as Tinubu was said to have shown interest in running a joint ticket with Buhari, He was, however, given the privilege to appoint his choice candidate as Buhari’s running mate, which brought in the incumbent Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo.
The politics that also surrounded the 2014 presidential primary of APC did not go down well with Atiku and other PDP members that joined the merger.
Baraje, who led splinter group in PDP to the APC and the likes of Saraki, Atiku and others were not comfortable with the kind of political power Tinubu wielded in the ruling party and at different point in time, majority of them returned to their former political platform, PDP.
His involvement in the 2016 governorship elections in Ondo State and the one of 2018 in Osun and Ekiti states also created misgivings between Tinubu and APC Governors.
Tinubu’s desire to ensure one of his cronies, James Faleke inherited the governorship ticket when the party’s candidate, Kogi State, Alhaji Abubaka Audu, slumped and passed on few hours before the announcement of the result of the 2015 gubernatorial poll in Kogi did not materialise as a result of intrigues within the APC.
Tinubu was also caught in the political intrigues of who should succeed the pioneer National Chairman, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun when the position became vacant in 2018.
Tinubu later backed former Governor of Edo State, Adams Oshiomhole to succeed Odigie-Oyegun. Some aggrieved members of the party later pointed accusing fingers at Tinubu that his plan was to use Oshiomhole to take over the machinery of the party.
As at the end of 2018, almost all the political beneficiaries of the national leader had separated camps with him. For instance, when President Buhari appointed Tinubu to lead the Reconciliation Committee to resolve all the crises in the party, the likes of former governor of Ogun State, Ibikunle Amosun, Governor Fayemi, erstwhile National Legal Adviser of the party, Muiz Banire, Governor Akeredolu among others had severed relationship with Tinubu.
While Amosun saw himself as the leader of the party in Ogun State and would therefore, not succumb to the dictates of any Lagos godfather, Governors Akeredolu and Fayemi allegedly had grouse with Tinubu over their governorship ambitions. Just like Banire felt that the national leader sacrificed him to bring in Babatunde Ogala
By the time the 2019 elections were concluded, APC had been factionalised into different camps, a development that subsequently led to the suspension and later removal of Oshiomhole.
No sooner Buhari was re-elected for second term in 2019 than preparations for 2023 election began in the APC. Political permutations became intense and Tinubu again surfaced in the midst of the controversy. Although, he has not officially declared interest to run in 2023, some stakeholders, however, see him as a threat to be dealt with as soon as possible before it is too late.
Perhaps, that must have been part of the reasons some governors on the platform of the party insisted on the exit of Oshiomhole as national chairman.
After Oshiomhole’s exit, Tinubu was accused of plotting to impose another stooge in the person of former Oyo State governor, Abiola Ajimobi. This development caused disaffection between Tinubu and Ekiti State APC, which argued that the position of deputy national chairman earlier occupied by Otunba Niyi Adebayo, current Minister of Trade and Investment, should not be ceded to Oyo State’s Ajimobi. Ekiti APC refused to budge as it threatened court action if Gbenga Aluko was sidetracked to favour Ajimobi. The aftermath was the emergence of the Mai Mala Buni caretaker committee.

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Makinde Renames Polytechnic After Late Ex-Gov

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Oyo State Governor, ‘Seyi Makinde, has renamed The Polytechnic, Ibadan as Omololu Olunloyo Polytechnic, Ibadan, in honour of a late former governor of the State, Dr Omololu Olunloyo.
Dr Olunloyo, who died on April 6, 2025, was the pioneer Principal of the Polytechnic, Ibadan, while he also served as Governor of Oyo State between October 1 and December 31, 1983.
Governor Makinde made the announcement at the state interdenominational funeral service held yesterday in honour of the late former governor at the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium, Liberty Road, Ibadan.
Governor Makinde said Dr Olunloyo lived an eventful life, adding that his attainment and personality could not be summarised in one sentence.
“He was not a man we could summarise in one sentence. He was a scholar, a statesman, a technocrat, a lover of culture and, above all, a man of deep conviction.
“While giving the exhortation, I was listening to Baba Archbishop Ayo Ladigbolu and he said in 1983, Baba became Governor of Oyo State. Though his time in office was brief, his election victory over a popular incumbent remains a powerful testament to the trust people gave him.
“I talked about preserving and digitising his library yesterday [Wednesday] as a mark of honour to Baba Olunloyo.
“Today, we will be giving Baba another honour to immortalise him. He was the first Principal of The Polytechnic, Ibadan; that institution will now be named Omololu Olunloyo Polytechnic, Ibadan.”
Earlier in his sermon, a retired Methodist Archbishop of Ilesa and Ibadan, Ayo Ladigbolu, described the late Olunloyo as a role model with intellectual inspiration and unassailable integrity.
The cleric said the deceased also demonstrated leadership in most superior quality during his lifetime.
In attendance were the state Deputy Governor, Chief Abdulraheem Bayo Lawal; wife of a former Military Governor of the old Oyo State, Chief (Mrs) Dupe Jemibewon; wife of a former Governor of Oyo State, Chief (Mrs) Mutiat Ladoja; former Deputy Governor and PDP Deputy National Chairman (South), Ambassador Taofeek Arapaja; and former Deputy Governor, Hazeem Gbolarumi.
Others were the member representing Ibadan North-East/South-East Federal Constituency, Hon Abass Adigun Agboworin; Chief of Staff to the Governor, Otunba Segun Ogunwuyi; Oyo State Exco members; Chairman of Oyo State Elders’ Council, Dr Saka Balogun; Chairman of All Local Government Chairmen in Oyo State, Hon Sikiru Sanda; President-General of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Chief Adeniyi Ajewole; religious leaders and family members, among other dignitaries.

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10 NWC Members Oppose Damagum Over National Secretary’s Reinstatement

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Ten members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Working Committee (NWC) have countered the Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagum, on the reinstatement of Senator Samuel Anyanwu as National Secretary.
The dissenting members, led by the Deputy National Chairman ( South), Taofeek Arapaja, in a joint statement, said no organ of the opposition party could overturn the decision of the 99th meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC).
The dissenting NWC members include Arapaja; Setonji Koshoedo, Deputy National Secretary; Okechukwu Obiechina-Daniel, National Auditor; Debo Ologunagba, National Publicity Secretary; Ologunagba; Woyengikuro Daniel, National Financial Secretary and Ahmed Yayari Mohammed, National Treasurer.
Others are Chief Ali Odefa, National Vice Chairman (South East); Emmanuel Ogidi, Caretaker Committee Chairman (South South); Mrs. Amina Darasimi D. Bryhm, National Woman Leader and Ajisafe Kamoru Toyese, National Vice Chairman (South West).
The group also insisted that contrary to the position of the acting National Chairman, the 100th NEC meeting of the party would be held on June 30 as earlier scheduled.
The statement read: “The attention of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has been drawn to a press briefing by the acting National Chairman, Amb. Umar Damagum, today Wednesday, June 25, wherein he attempted to overturn the resolution of the 99th National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting which scheduled the 100th NEC meeting for Monday, June 30.
“The acting National Chairman in the said press briefing also reportedly announced that Senator Samuel Anyanwu has been asked to resume as National Secretary of the party contrary to the resolution of the 99th NEC meeting, which referred all matters relating to the office of the National Secretary to the 100th NEC meeting.
“The pronouncements by the acting National Chairman have no foundation as no organ of the party (including the NWC), individual or group has the power to cancel, overrule, veto or vary the resolution of the National Executive Committee (NEC) under the Constitution of the PDP (as amended in 2017).
“For the avoidance of doubt, the NEC is the highest decision-making organ of the party, second only to the National Convention. By virtue of Section 31 (3) of the PDP Constitution, the resolution of the NEC to hold its 100th meeting on Monday June 30, is binding on all organs, officers, chapters and members of the party and no organ, group or individual can vary or veto this resolution of NEC.
“Furthermore, the claim by Damagum that Sen Anyanwu has been asked to resume office as the National Secretary of the party is, therefore, misleading being contrary to the resolution of NEC.
“In the light of the foregoing, the 100th NEC meeting as scheduled for Monday, June 30, has not been canceled or postponed.”

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Presidency Slams El-Rufai Over Tinubu Criticism …Says He Suffers From Small Man Syndrome

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The Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, has fired back at former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, following the latter’s scathing criticism of President Tinubu’s administration and his 2027 re-election prospects.
In an interview on live television, Mallam El-Rufai said it would take a “miracle” for President Tinubu to be re-elected in 2027, citing an internal poll that purportedly shows a 91 percent disapproval rating for the president across key regions in the country, including the South-East and the North. He also claimed that President Tinubu’s disapproval rating in Lagos stood at 78 percent.
Reacting on Wednesday via a post on X (formerly Twitter), Mr Onanuga took a swipe at the ex-governor, quoting a harsh assessment of Mallam El-Rufai’s character from former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s memoir, My Watch.
“Nasir’s penchant for reputation savaging is almost pathological,” Mr Onanuga wrote, citing Chief Obasanjo’s words. “Why does he do it? Very early in my interaction with him, I appreciated his talent. At the same time, I recognised his weaknesses; the worst being his inability to be loyal to anybody or any issue consistently for long, but only to Nasir El-Rufai.”
The presidential adviser emphasised Chief Obasanjo’s remarks that Mallam El-Rufai often tries to elevate himself by diminishing others. “He lied brazenly, which he did to me, against his colleagues and so-called friends,” Mr Onanuga continued, quoting the former President. “I have heard of how he ruthlessly savaged the reputation of his uncle, a man who, in an African setting, was like a foster father to him.”
Chief Obasanjo, who appointed Mallam El-Rufai as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory between 2003 and 2007, did not mince words in the memoir, describing Mallam El-Rufai as suffering from “small man syndrome.”
Mr Onanuga’s post is seen as a direct rebuttal to Mallam El-Rufai’s recent criticism and growing opposition role. The former governor is reportedly playing a central role in forming a new coalition to challenge President Tinubu in the 2027 general election.
In March 2025, El-Rufai officially dumped the All Progressives Congress (APC) and joined the Social Democratic Party (SDP), intensifying speculations about his 2027 political ambitions.
As the political rift deepens, Mallam El-Rufai remains one of the most vocal critics of the Tinubu administration, while Mr Onanuga and other presidential allies continue to push back against what they describe as “reckless” opposition rhetoric.

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