Editorial
Realising Rivers Water Scheme
Responsibility of water supply in Nigeria is shared among the three levels of government. The Federal Government is in charge of water resources management; state governments have the primary responsibility for urban water supply and local governments, together with the communities, are responsible for rural water supply.
Health experts have affirmed the fact that unsafe water has a lot of health implications. Poor water supply is a major route for transmission of typhoid fever, cholera, diarrhea, dysentery, hepatitis A, and other water-borne diseases. Thus, it makes Nigeria, besides Guatemala, Niger, Yemen and Bangladesh, to also contribute majorly to the 40 per cent of the children aged under five mortality in the world due to the consumption of unsafe water. Therefore, the necessity for government at all levels to urgently provide funds for the provision of improved water supplies of better quality and greater convenience to the citizenry cannot be over-emphasised.
According to the gazette of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (FMWR, 20.00), all 36 states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory have Water Boards/Corporations or Public Utilities Boards managing their public water supply undertakings.
State governments via regulations, policies and related programmes are encouraged to combat this challenge of providing potable water supply to the residents of their states. Rivers State with capital city – Port Harcourt comprising Port Harcourt City and Obio/Akpor Local Government Areas, is not left out; its water board originally started in the late 1940s, half a century later, cannot boast of adequate public water supply services.
Going by the 2006 national census, the population of Rivers State was 5,185,420, while that of Port Harcourt – for the purpose of this, is inclusive of Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor Local Government Areas – was 1,382,592. The growth rate of this city is placed at 3.4% per annum, with the city covering 32,781 hectares of the state landmass. Although its water board was established in the late 1940s, almost 60 years after, public water supply remains elusive. This, indeed, had been a huge concern to successive administrations in the state.
Perhaps that inform the reason why uncertified boreholes are a common feature in homes in Port Harcourt, either for primary or complimentary water supply particularly in the state capital and its environs. This suggests less reliance or dependence on the established Rivers State Water Board (RSWB) which was meant to service the populace with sufficient potable water.
Traditionally, the function of Water Utility Management (WUM) is basically to provide water supply services to the urban areas, although over time, many utilities and municipalities have failed to provide these services effectively. Some of the challenges of WUM as analysed by Marin (2009) in four dimensions of performance of water utilities include access, quality of service, operational efficiency and tariff levels.
Against this backdrop, The Tide welcomes the recent pronouncement made by the Rivers State Government that it would spend $328 million dollars to provide water for the densely populated Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor Local Government Areas of the state.
Interestingly, the State Commissioner for Water Resources, Hon. Tamunosisi Gogo -Jaja, who made the disclosure while briefing journalists on the sidelines of the 2020 World Water Day said the project which will soon commence, is jointly funded by the World Bank, the African Development Bank and the Rivers State Government, under the Port Harcourt water supply and sanitation project.
According to the state government, the project will coordinate water services providers, engender comprehensive water resource management, reduce water-borne diseases, increase the volume of potable water delivered, and reduce open defecation. The government disclosed that already a letter of no objection has been awarded to the state government by the African Development Bank and explained that the reason for the previous delay of the project was because the state government was determined to observe transparency and international best practices in the award of contracts.
Suffice it to say that clean accessible water for all is an essential part of life, we see it as worrisome that despite sufficient fresh water all around us, poor funding or decayed infrastructure have caused millions of people, mostly children, die from diseases associated with inadequate water supply, sanitation and hygiene in Nigeria.
There is no gainsaying the fact that water scarcity, poor water quality and inadequate sanitation have negatively impacted food security, livelihood choices and educational opportunities for poor families across Nigeria. We, therefore, call on the state government to use this collaboration with the other agencies to set standards for drinking water quality and with its partners implement various technical and financial programmes to ensure drinking water safety in the state capital. These efforts geared towards the provision of potable water to all in the two local government areas will, no doubt, lead to an increased productivity of individuals.
While we commend the lofty efforts of the state government, we also urge the 23 local government areas of the state to tap into the window of opportunity opened in the synergy between the state government and the international agencies to execute water projects in their areas. Though the provision of water supply is capital-intensive, it is a basic necessity for the well-being of the citizenry.
In view of this, the local authorities can individually or collectively venture into water supply through Public-Private Partnership in order to ensure adequate production, distribution and, perhaps, sale of potable water to the people. Above all, the Federal Government should urgently implement fully the provisions of the approved 2000 Nigeria’s National Water Supply and Sanitation Policy to provide the leverage for effective monitoring and management of potable water supply in Nigeria.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.