Editorial
Lessons From Okonjo-Iweala’s Appointment

South African President, Cyril Ramaphosa, early this month announced the appointment of Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala as a member of the expanded Presidential Economic Advisory Council (PEAC) put together by his government to rescue the country from its third recession since 2008. The country relapsed into recession at the end of December, 2019.
The council, chaired by Ramaphosa himself, and comprising local and international economic experts, was initially constituted on September 27, 2019, to “ensure greater coherence and consistency in the implementation of economic policy and ensure that government and society in general is better equipped to respond to changing economic circumstances”. It is also expected to advise the president and government more broadly, facilitating the development and implementation of economic policies that spur inclusive growth.
South Africa, the second largest economy on the continent has, in recent years, been rattled by a plethora of challenges, driven by lull in investor sentiment and lingering policy uncertainty, weak power, telecom and transportation sectors, and worsened by crisis in mining and manufacturing sectors. The problem is exacerbated by rising rate of official corruption, divisions in the ruling African National Congress (ANC), xenophobia nurtured by heightened unemployment and increasing insecurity.
Indeed, South Africa’s perilous public finance crisis has been engineered by four forces: stagnant economic growth; consistent tax revenue collection below forecasts; rising debt burden – the highest levels in post-apartheid era; and poor performance of state-owned enterprises, necessitating large-scale bailouts from lean government funds.
These have been triggered by three dynamics: slow recovery from shock of the 2008 global financial crisis; poor economic and public finance performance negatively affected by entrenched institutional destabilisation of Jacob Zuma’s presidency; and continued deterioration of economic indicators (growth and employment) along with further underperformance of revenue collection and public finances under the Ramaphosa government even with expansionary fiscal spending far above revenue generation. It is to address these challenges that Ramaphosa tapped Okonjo-Iweala to help rescue the country from economic doldrums.
The Tide joins millions of Nigerians and leaders across all continents in congratulating one of the world’s best economists and development experts on her meritorious appointment by Ramaphosa. We are proud to commend Okonjo-Iweala not just because she is a Nigerian and brilliant, but because her appointment represents a testament to her competence and experience. We say so because we are convinced that her pedigree and impeccable footprints in monetary and economic administration in Nigeria, many developing countries and at the World Bank stood her out for this sublime assignment.
The 1981 PhD graduate in Regional Economics and Development from Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) spent 25 years of her career at the World Bank as a development economist, scaling the ranks to Number 2 position of managing director, Operations (2007-2011), with oversight responsibility for the bank’s $81 billion operational portfolio in Africa, South Asia, Europe and Central Asia. She spearheaded several World Bank initiatives to assist low-income countries during the 2008 – 2009 food crises and later during the financial crisis, and helped many recover from slow growth to robust economic state.
In 2010, she was Chair of the IDA replenishment, the World Bank’s successful drive to raise $49.3 billion in grants and low interest credit for the poorest countries in the world, and was also member of the Commission on Effective Development Cooperation with Africa. In the last two decades, she has served as senior adviser, executive director, director, chair or co-chair of more than 30 boards of world-class banks, academic and research institutions, development-driven organizations across all continents, including Harvard, Oxford, the Brookings Institution, African Union, World Economic Forum, United Nations, Rockefeller Foundation, Mercy Corps International; and in 2012, ran as the first-ever female candidate for president of the World Bank.
Okonjo-Iweala was a two-time minister of finance, serving under Olusegun Obasanjo (2003-2006), and Goodluck Jonathan (2011-2015). She was the first female to hold that position in Nigeria and her performance speaks for her.
During her first term, she spearheaded negotiations with the Paris Club of Creditors that led to the wiping out of $30 billion of Nigeria’s debt, including the outright cancellation of $18 billion. In 2003, she led efforts to improve Nigeria’s macroeconomic management, including implementation of an oil-price based fiscal rule where revenues accruing above benchmark oil price were saved in special “Excess Crude Account” which helped reduce macroeconomic volatility.
She also introduced the practice of publishing each state’s monthly financial allocation from the Federation Accounts in the newspapers, which increased transparency in governance. With support of the World Bank and IMF, she helped build an electronic financial management platform – the Government Integrated Financial Management and Information System (GIFMIS), including the Treasury Single Account (TSA) and the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS), helping to curtail corruption in the process.
As at December 31, 2014, the IPPIS platform had eliminated 62,893 ghost workers from the system and saved government about $1.25 billion in the process. Under the present administration, more than 70,000 ghost workers have been eliminated from the payroll system, and billions of Naira saved for investment in development initiatives. She was also instrumental in helping Nigeria obtain its first-ever sovereign credit rating (BB minus) from Fitch Ratings and Standard & Poor’s in 2006.
Under her leadership, the National Bureau of Statistics carried out a re-basing exercise of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), the first in 24 years, which saw Nigeria emerge as the largest economy in Africa.
With her record, we think that Ramaphosa made the right decision by appointing Okonjo-Iweala as a member of the country’s PEAC, to help fix its economy and inspire growth and development by advising stable policies that encourage investment.
We, therefore, urge her to pragmatically bring her wealth of experience to bear in helping the South African Government make history by reviving an economy that has been in limbo for about 12 years. She had done it for Nigeria before; she can as well do it for South Africa.
On the other hand, we challenge all tiers of government in Nigeria to emulate the South African Government in placing merit and competence far and above nepotism and tribalism in recruitment and appointment into various offices in order to fast-track development of the country.
We think that the nation’s economy can do better if governments eschew parochial sentiments and implement inclusive policies that recognise hardwork and excellence.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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