Editorial
NERC’s Directive On Estimated Billing
Electricity power consumers in Nigeria recently heaved a sigh of relief as the National Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), in response to sustained public outcry over outrageous billing by electricity Distribution Companies (DISCOs), barred the 11 distribution firms from charging residential customers above an average of N1,800.00 monthly until they (customers) are metered.
In an Order 197 signed by its Chairman, Prof. James Momoh, and the Commissioner, Legal, Licensing and Compliance, Dafe Akpeneye, NERC said the new order repeals the 2012 estimated billing regulation with effect from Thursday, February 20, 2020.
According to the new order, “The Estimated Billing Methodology Regulation is hereby repealed and shall cease to have effect as a basis for computing the consumption of unmetered customers in NESI”.
While noting that about 52 per cent of 10 million electricity consumers as at December, 2019 were unmetered, NERC directed that all unmetered residential and commercial customers shall not be invoiced for the consumption of energy if they are not metered by April 30, 2020.
Going forward, it said that R2 customers cannot be billed for more than the worth of 78 kilowatt hour (Kwh) of energy monthly which is about N1,800.00, adding that customers that consume less than 50Kwh will be billed at N4.00 per Kwh and maximum of N200.00 monthly.
As NERC exempts customers from any liability to pay any estimated bill issued by the DISCOs from May 1, 2020, the commission warned that “Any customer that rejects the installation of a meter on their premises by a DISCO shall not be entitled to supply and must be disconnected”.
Responding to the directive by NERC, the Chairman of Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO) in Anambra State, Mr Vincent Eze Ekwueme, is reported to have described it as “cheering news and a step in the right direction to show the citizenry that there is government to attend to their plights, predicaments, cries and sufferings”, noting that “It is painful and most despicable that estimated electricity bills imposed on consumers were outrageously high for services not rendered”.
The CLO boss lamented that “it is incredible but existential reality that consumers provide transformers, pay for installations, replace damaged equipment, yet were charged crazy estimated bill between N8,000 and N12,000 per month”, stating that “The only panacea for paying for services not rendered is to provide pre-paid meters to all consumers”.
In sync with the CLO, The Tide strongly commends the NERC for the courage and bold response to the lamentations of millions of Nigerian electricity consumers who have suffered years of economic enslavement in the hands of electricity distribution merchants called DISCOs.
While we are not unaware of the myriad of challenges the DISCOs also face in order to remain in business in a not-so-friendly climate, we think it is nothing short of an indefensible outright daylight robbery for them to continue to force consumers to pay exorbitant bills for energy neither supplied nor consumed.
It is an open fact that there are many defaulters and energy thieves, including government ministries, agencies, departments and sundry establishments, but to transfer this burden to innocent and hapless unmetered consumers instead of devising credible means of making the defaulters pay is, to say the least, callous and criminal.
As NERC comes to the rescue, we hope that it will also muster the requisite will to enforce and see this directive through. This is against the background of the fact that it did nothing to ensure compliance with its former directive that those who do not enjoy energy for two weeks in a month should not pay while even disconnected customers were continuously posted estimated bills.
In urging NERC to ensure full compliance with its directive this time around, we are minded to suggest that only smart pre-paid meters are approved for installation while analogue meters are completely phased out as the DISCOs’ operatives had often exploited the ignorance of customers to rip them off.
Eventhough we believe that the directive on estimated billing, if strictly adhered to, has capacity to resolve nearly all criminal issues within the distribution and consumption chain in the energy sector, it is still imperative to robustly continue to engage, sensitise and enlighten the public on the need to be responsible and to eschew undisciplined, rascally and aggressive behaviours in dealing with energy-related matters.
DISCOs, on their part, should realise that at the heart of altercations and violent confrontations from consumers is the manifest case of frustration borne out of a strong feeling of cheating, injustice and brazen robbery. Care must be taken by the distribution firms not to undermine or sabotage the new directive because therein lies the peaceful and mutually beneficial relationship between consumers and their service providers.
While we hope that the new directive will usher in a new era of reduced friction between DISCOs and their valued customers, we urge the Federal Government to sort out the other issues crippling the power sector in the country. It cannot be over-emphasised that any effort at economic growth and social stability will remain an exercise in futility in our nation until adequate power supply for the populace is achieved.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.