Editorial
Rivers And FG Projects’ Refund

After almost two decades of dilly-dallying, the Federal Government has finally given assurances that it would refund money expended by the Rivers State Government on the execution of federal projects, particularly road infrastructure development projects across the state. The pledge came following satisfactory verification inspection of specific federal road projects, which had apparently been in dispute between the Federal Government and the Rivers State Government since the administration of Dr Peter Odili in the state.
Speaking shortly after a tour of no fewer than six projects in the state, the Chairman, Federal Executive Council Projects Verification Team, Minister of State for Education, Hon Chukwuemeka Nwajiuba, said that, “The Federal Government has always cooperated with the people of Rivers State. Rivers State is the strongest economic base of the country, and anything that the Federal Government will do for the Government and people of Rivers State, the Federal Government will respond accordingly. The President is a stickler for the rules. We have addressed this everywhere, except for five states that we are now verifying. No state has had an issue”.
Admitting that over the years, the Rivers State Government had done splendid work in the construction of key projects in the state, Nwajiuba stressed that, “Terrific work has been done by the Government and people of Rivers State on behalf of the Federal Government. The governor has taken us on extensive review of more than six projects that we came to inspect. I am glad we took time out to go and see all of them and verify them physically. We are really sure that the state government has done what is right”.
During the projects review visit, the Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, had taken the team on verification tour of the 42km dualisation of Airport-Isiokpo-Elele-Omerelu Road, which cost the government about N37billion; the reconstructed and dualised Ikwerre Road from Education to Agip flyover junction; the flyover at Agip-Rumueme-Abacha roundabout, which cost some N3.9billion; the flyover on East-West Road at Obiri-Ikwerre with rotary turning and service lanes, which cost N5.3billion; the Eleme Junction flyover and interchange which cost N7.2billion; and the phases one and two of the dualised Ada-George Road which took over N6.3billion off Rivers Government coffers, as well as additional inspection of the ongoing three flyover projects at Rebisi, Rumuogba and Okoro-Nu-Odu, which collectively are costing the state N21billion. Put together in financial terms, the first six projects cost the state government an estimated N59.7billion without any cost attached to the second project while the inclusion of the ongoing three flyover projects increases the debt owed Rivers State Government to over N80.7billion.
Without conceding that the above projects are the only ones for which the Federal Government has yet to refund the Rivers State Government the cost of its expenses, The Tide thinks that taunting the refund of a paltry N40billion at this time, though may sound good to some, is completely far lower than expected. Yes, if true, N40billion may be a good start for Federal Government that had refused to reimburse Rivers State Government its expenses on federal projects for about two decades, it is critical to remind the Federal Government that whatever amount it is considering ought to be paid with accruable interest because the value of the Naira at the time of execution of those projects makes its payment now almost worthless.
Besides, we recall that the former governors, Dr Peter Odili and Chibuike Amaechi, had during their tenures, pleaded with the Federal Government to refund the state government the amounts spent on federal projects executed on behalf of the former to no avail. We specifically note Amaechi’s appeal in February, 2013, to the Federal Government to refund the state government a whooping N105billion spent on 405km of federal roads across the state between 2007 and 2013 alone. We are also aware that Governor Nyesom Wike, has since 2015 made several appeals to the Federal Government to refund the state government money it spent on federal road projects across the state without any positive moves to reciprocate the gesture of the people and government of the state.
While we applaud the present administration for consistently pressuring the Federal Government to refund the huge debt owed the state in this respect, we specially believe that the Federal Government’s assurances of positive response at this time is due mainly to the fact that the state government took meticulous time to pay attention to details, and do the right thing by following due process as a great respecter of the cherished democratic norm of basic rule of law in governance. We particularly feel this sense of protection and belonging now because the present administration has succeeded in restoring lost confidence in the average Rivers man, who had over the years, bore the burden of the oppressive policies of the Federal Government designed and deliberately implemented to deny the state its due in spite of the enormous contributions it has made in the socio-economic and industrial development of Nigeria. We, therefore, urge the Wike-led government not to relent in fighting for the interest of Rivers State and its people.
Even so, we insist that the Rivers State Government should not be intimidated by anything and anybody in demanding for its due from the Federal Government. In this regard, we advise that the Rivers State Government should not shirk its responsibility to demand for the refund of all Rivers money spent on other projects executed in the state on behalf of the Federal Government. Indeed, the government’s demand should not be limited to the full refund of over N80.7billion spent on the above nine projects, but must include the Etche-Chokocho Road, repeated investments in the rehabilitation and maintenance of Port Harcourt-Aba Road; East-West Road, particularly Mbiama-Emohua and Eleme Junction – Onne sections; Port Harcourt – Owerre Road; construction of Trans Kalabari Road; Ogoni-Opobo-Andoni Road; Omoku-Owerre Road; Air Force Junction and Eliozu flyover projects, Prof Tam David-West Road; Trans Amadi-Slaughter-Woji-Elelenwo Road; Peter Odili-Woji-Akpajo Road, Rumuokurusi-Eneka-Igwuruta Road; and Rumuokwuta-Mgbuoba-Ozuoba-Choba Road; among others. These projects cost the state a fortune, and ought to be refunded by the Federal Government for reinvestment in other areas to consolidate the development of the state for the benefit of posterity. This is not asking for too much!
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.