Editorial
Task Before Ease Of Doing Business Council

Cognizant of the fact that businesses the world over can only thrive and flourish in an atmosphere devoid of man-made obstacles and encumbrances, and in keeping with the zeal and commitment of his administration to drive and push businesses across the State to a faster lane, Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, recently, inaugurated the Ease of Doing Business Council (EoDBC), with the Deputy Governor, Dr. Ipalibo Harry Banigo as Chairman; and the representative of the Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning as the Secretary/Coordinator of the council.
While inaugurating the council at the Government House, Port Harcourt, Governor Wike disclosed that members of the council were drawn from both the public and private sectors, with a charge to the council to improve the investment environment of the State, stressing that the council was critical to the economic development of the State.
Said Wike, “It is important that we have this council to improve the investment climate of the State; and to create the environment for investors to come to the State. The council will draw up programmes and policies to create the platform for the ease of doing business in Rivers State.”
The Governor further indicated that the membership of the council was drawn from the public and private sectors to ensure that all sectors were accommodated in the drive to enhance business opportunities in the State, pointing out that the state deputy governor was chairing the council because of the importance his administration attaches to the ease of doing business, and expressed optimism that those appointed into the council would live up to the expectations of Rivers people.
Apart from the Deputy Governor and the representative of the Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, the council also has as members, representatives of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN); the Rivers State Chamber of Commerce; the Rivers State House of Assembly Committee on Commerce; the Rivers State Board of Internal Revenue Service; among others.
Undoubtedly, the task before the council is not only onerous but also daunting, as it is expected to do everything humanly possible to shore up the revenue profile of the state; boost the image of the state and retrieve it from the throes of negative perception, which some individuals and groups, described as the vocal majority, must have consigned it to in the recent past, with a view to taking the economic development of the state to the next level.
Thus, one of the assignments of the council is to put strategies in place to vigorously market the state and sell it to the outside world in such a way that investors would be more favourably disposed to doing business in the state. In doing this, the members of the council must convince the investors that the state is not only safe but conducive enough for them to do business and invest their monies.
We are quite convinced that the Wike administration, for close to five years now, has taken practical steps to make the State conducive for businesses to thrive, particularly in the area of infrastructural development. Virtually all parts of Port Harcourt, the State capital, have been opened up through the massive construction of road networks for businesses to thrive and flourish.
There is no debating the point that without good roads, little or nothing can be done or achieved in terms of people engaging in businesses.
Right now, the Wike administration has embarked on the construction of three flyover projects which are simultaneously going on in Port Harcourt to further boost business activities and mobility in the State. And the inauguration of the Ease of Doing Business Council by the Governor is to further assist the government to create the right investment climate for the people of the state and investors.
Against this backdrop, therefore, it is the duty of the council to ensure that all bureaucratic bottlenecks impeding the ease of doing business in the State are dismantled. For example, the collection of matching ground fees in Port Harcourt and other communities by some faceless individuals and groups from property developers must be tackled head on.
It is heart-warming that the state government has already put in place measures to check multiple taxation in the state.
The Tide agrees no less with Governor Wike that the council is critical to the economic development of the State; and therefore, for it to effectively function and achieve its objectives, we advise that it must like Julius Caesar’s wife, be above-board.
While we commend Governor Wike for constituting the council at this critical time of his administration, we are elated that in spite of the negative perception about the state and the smear campaign launched against it by some individuals, the security situation in the state has tremendously improved, as it is not as bad as some persons paint it before the world.
This is due mainly to the proactive steps taken by the state government. We, therefore, make bold to state that Rivers State is safe. It is safe enough for businesses and other activities to flourish.
Thus, the council must leverage on all that the Governor has put on ground to make its assignments less cumbersome. It must go beyond dismantling of all bureaucratic bottlenecks for which government business is notorious and take pragmatic actions to create a more conductive environment for businesses to thrive in the state.
Besides, it should organiise regular seminars and workshops to actually sensitise stakeholders on government policies and programmes as they relate to ease of doing business in the state. This, we believe will go a long way in changing the mindset of the people. This way, investors and other Rivers people would better appreciate what the government is actually doing on a daily basis.
We strongly believe that it is always a good thing for the government and the governed to be on the same page on critical issues that affect the collective interest of the state. The council must make its work open and transparent for the people to have trust and confidence in it.
Most importantly, the council must let the world know that great potentials actually exist in the state, which investors must harness to actually move the state to the next level politically, economically and otherwise.
The onus is truly on the council to market the state like never before, and by so doing, contribute in making the state a destination of choice in the country for all and sundry.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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