Editorial
Enough Of Sexual Harassment On Campuses
For the past two weeks, the media, both conventional and social, have been awash with yet another ugly episode of sex-for-marks in Nigeria’s tertiary institutions. The latest of this infamy involves two senior lecturers in the University of Lagos (UNILAG), Dr Boniface Igbeneghu of the Faculty of Arts and Samuel Oladipo of the Department of Economics. Both were entrapped in a sting operation by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) titled “Sex-for-Grades,” allegedly seducing an ‘admission seeker’.
In a video that has since gone viral, Dr Igbeneghu who is also a pastor in a popular Pentecostal church, (Foursquare Gospel Church) was seen soliciting sex from a BBC undercover female reporter, Kiki Mordi, who posed as a 17-year old admission seeker.
The trending video was part of BBC’s expose’ of unethical sexual harassment practices of randy lecturers in West African universities, including UNILAG.
Although the menace of sexual harassment of female undergraduates in Nigeria’s tertiary institutions is not totally new, its prevalence in recent times has, however, assumed an alarming notoriety. It is fast becoming a norm, even culture, on campuses, with no clear sign of abating anytime soon.
One of such disturbing instances was last year’s escapade involving a senior lecturer at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile Ife, Professor Richard Akindele. The errant lecturer who has been dismissed by the university authority is currently serving a two-year jail term for demanding five sex sessions from his student, Monica Osagie in exchange for good grade.
Yet again in 2018, an Associate Professor of Economics at the Lagos State University (LASU) was caught with the help of an NGO, demanding sexual favour from a female student. Another bizarre episode occurred at the Ekiti State University, Ado Ekiti, where an accounting lecturer was caught by students, literally gasping for breath in a bid to harass a female student.
We also recall that in October 2011, five lecturers were suspended by the Ebonyi State College of Education, Ikwo for extortion and sexual harassment of students.
In another development, a dean at the University of Abuja was also exposed in a sting operation soliciting sex in exchange for marks from yet another female undergraduate. Similar repulsive incident was recorded at the University of Ilorin where a former Head of the English Department allegedly resigned after being caught in a video, harassing a 200-level female student. These are some of the sordid revelations that hint at the prevalence of sexual molestation of female undergraduates in our tertiary institutions.
The Tide considers it diminishing and callous for university lecturers who are supposed to be good role models and old enough to be the parents of these students to be involved in such a shameful, immoral act. Besides shame and loss of self-esteem associated with sexual harassment on campuses, the menace has the potential of further degrading and de-marketing the nation’s university education which is already in an appalling state.
Although the latest culprits of this opprobrium, Igbeneghu and Oladipo have been suspended by the UNILAG authorities pending the outcome of investigations, the measure is not enough to deter other randy lecturers from their lecherous activities.
We believe that sexual assault is a criminal offence that should attract stiffer penalty than suspension or dismissal of culprit. It requires more radical approach to put an end to the menace.
With the increasing rate of sex-for-marks in our tertiary institutions, it is imperative that all universities, polytechnics and colleges of education put in place necessary measures that discourage all forms of sexual depravity on campuses.
One of such measures is for the school authorities to enact code of conduct regulating the relationship between female students and their lecturers.
In concrete terms, all tertiary institutions should encourage students to report any form of sexual abuse to the school authorities without fear of being molested or victimised. In doing so, we advise the school authorities to remove all unnecessary bureaucratic bottlenecks that inhibit students from making such complaints. It will not be out of place for schools to create a hotline number to call or a public complaints unit where cases of sexual molestation are lodged.
It is also incumbent on the students union governments in various schools to rise up in defence of their members who are victims of sexual harassment. It is their responsibility to protect students from any form of assault, harassment or victimisation.
Meanwhile, we call on the National Assembly and various state houses of assembly in the country to enact laws that will not only prohibit sexual harassment but will make the menace extremely difficult to thrive in schools. Where such laws are already in place, stiffer penalties should be meted out to culprits.
We are, however, not unaware that many female students seduce lecturers and even go as far as soliciting good grades in exchange for sex. Where this is firmly established, such student(s) should be visited with sanctions, either to repeat a whole session or even outright expulsion from the school.
The Nigerian media also have the social responsibility to launch an investigation into sex scandals in our tertiary institutions. Rather than dishing out spin-offs of what has been uncovered by foreign media like the BBC or CNN, the Nigerian Press should take the lead in unravelling scandals and identifying other prolific sexual predators on our campuses.
Nigeria’s education has suffered enough degradation, courtesy of the triple evil of examination malpractices, sorting and cultism. Adding another medal to its list of ugly laurels will be too disastrous to contemplate.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.