Editorial
Nigeria @ 59: So Far, So…
As Nigeria marks the 59th anniversary of her Independence today, there are probably good reasons to celebrate. For some Nigerians, it is like a triumphant expression of liberation. For others, it is better to pause and ponder on the hazardous state of the nation than commemorate.
All things considered, if today’s occasion calls for celebrations, the failure of leadership, especially at the centre and at all levels, resulting in several failed opportunities, fragmented hopes, broken promises and unfulfilled aspirations demands a sober reflection upon our numerous challenges. Indeed, the indices of a failed state are virtually becoming too obvious.
No doubt, Nigeria’s Independence in 1960 apparently built the broadest possible coalition of euphoria, hope and faith in the Nigerian project. But it is regrettable that 59 years after, the anticipated gains of nationhood envisaged by our founding fathers have remained a forlorn hope.
Thus, we advise our leaders to go beyond the annual ritual of Independence celebrations and focus on the Nigerian project to identify why the nation cannot make progress since it attained self-government from Great Britain. Truth is Nigeria is besieged with copious amounts of challenges for anyone to dissipate time, energy and scarce resources on revelling.
Strangely enough, at 59, the weighty issue of corruption is yet to be squarely addressed. There were even several proven cases of malfeasance against some members of the present government. It, therefore, proves cynical that whereas the change mantra of this administration is hinged on the fight against corruption, its leadership structure seems firmly built on the hydra-headed monster.
As corruption continues to thrive, poverty and unemployment are unresolved in the midst of plenty. Of course, Nigerians are poorer under President Muhammadu Buhari’s leadership. While the economy is stuck like a stranded truck, average incomes have been falling for years. The latest figures put unemployment at 23 per cent (about 20.93 million) and inflation at 11 per cent. IMF sources stated that about 94 million Nigerians live on less than $1.90 a day, and the number keeps swelling. Also, economic diversification seems a mirage all these years.
Insecurity has assumed the worst under the present government. Armed banditry, kidnapping, militancy, armed robbery, herdsmen menace, communal clashes, terrorism and other vices of criminality have reduced our law enforcement agencies and the military to a state of helplessness and anomie, such that citizens have had to resort to self-help through neighbourhood watch and vigilance groups. Kidnapping, especially has become such a lucrative venture, Nigeria is now seen as the new gold mine. Boko Haram’s violent campaign has cost at least 27,000 lives, displaced some two million people and spawned an affiliate of the Islamic State group.
Political challenges nearly always stand on our way of progress more than ever. Besides the yearning for a credible electoral system, Nigerians have consistently asked to be governed by a constitution formed and fashioned by them. Some sections of the country are equally asking for the restructuring of the polity largely because of the imbalances in statutory allocations and representations in the federal legislature.
The ugly political scenario is further compounded by a fragile unity. Nigerians are more divided now than ever, especially since Independence. Citizens are polarised along ethnic, religious and political lines. The quest for secession or self-determination by sections of the Nigerian State, Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and the incessant conflict between the Federal Government and the Shi’ites are practical pointers.
Everyone notices the remarkable infrastructural deficit across the country and is saddened by the deplorable state of our roads, transportation, power, water, telecommunications, among others. The development is so disheartening that the National Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Ahmed Bola Tinubu, had to ask the president to improve the state of infrastructure.
Education appears to have hit rock bottom 59 years after the exit of the colonial masters. The sector is characterised by inadequate funding, poor equipment, policy divarications, examination malpractices, cultism, and corruption. But unlike the tragedy of the education sector, the administration’s agriculture policy may be paying off as agriculture is gradually contributing to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), although there is need to expand infrastructural capacities in the sector.
It is shameful, almost unbelievable that Africa’s top oil producer, Nigeria, heavily subsidises imported petrol for the bulk of its domestic demand. So, we advise that the entire downstream sector of the industry be liberalised outrightly by introducing the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), which has suffered legislative delays and limited consideration by the executive. The PIB will facilitate expected reforms in the sector.
Similarly affected is the health sector which has gone through a number of dramatic twists and turns. Efforts to develop this sector have been hindered by notable challenges including limited public funding, lack of manpower, elevated rates of infant and maternal mortalities, among others. Since Independence, leadership has always been a fundamental factor in moving this area forward.
On the diplomatic front, Nigeria is yet to have a very vibrant foreign policy that will enable it extend its influence on Africa and the rest of the world. Buhari could be particularly more effective in returning Nigeria to the days when travelling with the green passport accorded us respect, not suspicion. We need to get to the point where our foreign policy takes care of us. In any case, we think that Nigeria’s voice has so far been muted on the world stage. It desperately needs to be heard again.
What Nigeria needs at the moment are true and courageous patriots to address the serious remonstrances of the country. Nigerians are the best evaluators of their governments. If they reckon that their leaders have let them down or short-changed them by a legacy of lies, we believe that the most obvious thing to do is to utilise the Independence occasion to re-think the prospects of a Nigerian renaissance. That, for us, is the right way to follow.
Happy Independence Day Anniversary!
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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