Editorial
Providing Succour To Terror Victims
To apparently cushion the debilitating effects of violence and terrorism on victims across the world, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed August 21 every year as the International Day for Remembrance of Victims of Terrorism. It equally adopted another resolution, proclaiming August 22 every year, as International Day commemorating Victims of Acts of Violence Based on Religion or Belief, among other matters, and directed member countries to religiously observe the two days as befitting tributes to all victims of terror attacks and violence based on their faith, all over the world.
The commemoration of the two days on Wednesday and Thursday, this week, in Nigeria and other countries, brings to the fore the plight of victims of the twin evils of terrorism and violence based on religion or belief in these countries.
There is no gainsaying that several persons have become victims of both terrorism and violence based on their faith or belief in several parts of the world.
While welcoming the decisions of the General Assembly to take these practical steps in honouring victims across the globe, the Secretary General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, said the day to commemorate victims of terrorism is intended to lift up the voices of victims and survivors of terrorist attacks, who consistently call for accountability and results.
He said, “When we respect the human rights of victims and provide them with support and information, we reduce the lasting damage done by terrorists to individuals, communities and societies”.
Unfortunately, while more countries are affected by terrorism today, the number of victims has largely been concentrated in a small number of countries of the world. According to statistics, in 2017 alone, nearly three-quarters of all deaths caused by terrorism were in just five countries: Nigeria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia and Syria.
Paradoxically, in all countries of the world, victims of terrorism continue to struggle to have their voices heard, have their needs supported and their rights upheld. Victims often feel forgotten and neglected once the immediate aftermath of a terrorist attack and other violent attacks fades, a situation which can have profound consequences for them.
More worrisome is the fact that only few countries have the resources and the requisite capacity to meet the medium and long-term needs required by victims to fully recover, rehabilitate and integrate back into the society. Infact, victims can only recover and cope with their trauma through long-term multi-dimensional support, including physical, psychological, social and financial, in order to heal and live with dignity. Again, the primary responsibility to support victims of terrorism and uphold their rights rests squarely with the various governments of the world. On this score, synergy and collaboration are needed.
Similarly, following unprecedented rise of violence against religious communities and people belonging to religious communities across the world, in tandem with the United Nations’ bold initiative, there is no better time to begin addressing the challenges facing victims than now. Like victims of terrorism, victims and survivors of violence based on religion or belief, are often forgotten.
It is no longer a hidden fact that hatred towards religious groups may lead to killing of innocent people, particularly against the backdrop of one-third of the world’s population suffering from some form of religious persecution.
Also, acts of terrorism are intended to cajole and intimidate members of religious communities and, as a result, hold them back from practising their faith. In some countries, religious practice is forbidden even at home and, sometimes, the representatives of religious minorities are refused religious funerals.
More often than not, acts of terrorism in several countries of the world have their roots in religious extremism and fanatism. Islamic bigots and fanatics were suspected to be the brains behind the bombing of the World Trade Centre in the United States of America in September, 2001. Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger, Chad and other countries in Africa are propelled by religious extremism and have continued to inflict incalculable damage to citizens of these countries for over 10 years now.
In Nigeria, for example, the terrorists have ravaged the North-East States of Borno, Adamawa and Yobe, leaving in their wake tears and blood, with many citizens displaced. Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps are scattered here and there. This is coupled with the number of persons killed, maimed and displaced by suspected herdsmen and bandits in places like Benue, Plateau, Zamfara and Taraba States. In all these, victims and survivors have sordid tales to tell. In other cases, IDPs are raped, dehumanised and short-changed by persons entrusted with the responsibility of caring for them.
Again, the beheading of a female Christian preacher by religious bigots in Abuja recently, is still very fresh in the consciousness of most Nigerians. The cases of abduction and murder of priests, the disappearance and resettlement of religious leaders, torture and beating based on religion or belief by the police in some countries are only examples of the persecution and discriminatory behaviour towards religious minorities.
It is, however, heart-warming that the United Nations’ resolutions do not relate to any specific religion or belief but to all victims of violence and terrorism, and seek to raise awareness of the importance of respect for religious diversity, peace and tolerance in the world.
While The Tide commends the countries of the world for successfully commemorating the two international days, we call on their governments to take more practical steps to support victims of terrorism and violence based on religion and other beliefs. They should synergise and collaborate to help the victims.
Apart from providing a regional taskforce to counter insurgency and terrorism, African countries like Cameroon, Chad, Niger, Nigeria, among others, can work together to provide succour to victims. It is never in doubt that governments of these countries have not done enough to cushion the devastating effects of terrorism and violence on the victims.
Again, most IDPs camps are nothing to write home about. The inmates of these camps are still left at the mercy of the elements and are buffeted on every side by the lack of funds, drugs, water, food and shelter. Also, providing them with basic education and other skills would go a long way to ameliorate their plight. The time for action is now.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.