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Editorial

Need For S’South Dev Commission

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President Muhammadu Buhari, on April 9, 2019, inaugurated the Maj-Gen Paul Tarfa-led 11-member board of the North East Development Commission (NEDC), established on October 25, 2017, with the mandate to coordinate the rebuilding of the insurgency-ravaged North East region. The National Assembly had in October, 2016 passed the bill while the president signed it into law in October, 2017.
The NEDC is charged with the responsibility to, “among other things, receive and manage funds from allocation of the Federal Account, local and international donors for the settlement, rehabilitation and reconstruction of roads, houses and business premises of victims of insurgency as well as tackling menace of poverty, illiteracy level, ecological problems and any other related environmental or developmental challenges in the North-East states” of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe.
Modelled along the management structure of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), with a governing board, comprising a chairman; a managing director and chief executive; three executive directors (one from each member-state not being represented by the chairman of the board, the managing director and the representative of the North-East zone); one person each to represent the six geo-political zones of Nigeria; and one person to represent the Federal Ministry of Finance; and Budget and National Planning.
Similarly, the Senate on December 12, 2018, passed a 30-clause bill sponsored by Senator Samuel Anyanwu, and designed to establish the South East Development Commission (SEDC) to receive, manage and administer funds from allocation from the federation for the rehabilitation, reconstruction and reparation for lost houses and businesses of victims of the Nigerian Civil War, and also address any environmental or developmental challenges as well as other related matters in the geo-political zone, comprising Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo States.
The House of Representatives concurred to the bill on May 16, 2019. And both chambers curiously failed to consider the fact that all South-South states also suffered devastating impacts from the ravages of the civil war, including dislocation and destruction of properties and businesses, in addition to loss of loved ones.
Designed to lay to rest incessant agitations from various quarters of marginalisation and neglect of the zone and ensure the unity and oneness of the country as encapsulated in the Yakubu Gowon initiative for the area which was abandoned, the commission, when signed into law, will function just like the NDDC and the NEDC.
The Tide is aware of the clamour in certain quarters for establishment of development commissions for other geo-political zones to address the peculiar needs of their people and environments. We also reckon with another argument for the creation of Nigerian Development Commission as a clearing house for synthesizing, managing and coordinating the development needs of each zone in the country rather than encumbering the nation with development commissions in each geo-political zone.
While we are not opposed to concerted and integrated efforts to secure the development of each of the zones, we must caution politicians to be careful not to politicize everything in the country.
We acknowledge that what is good for the goose is also good for the gander, but both the National Assembly and the Federal Government must realize that the NDDC, which every politician is struggling to replicate in their zone, was informed by centuries of fears of marginalization, neglect, oppression and deprivation of minority groups in the Niger Delta, which did not include the South-East and South-West regions.
While we appreciate the establishment of the NDDC in 2000 with the mission of facilitating the rapid, even and sustainable development of the Niger Delta into a region that is economically prosperous, socially stable, ecologically regenerative and politically peaceful, we regret to state that the commission, as currently structured and constituted, does not represent the interest and concerns of the age-long deprived people of the South-South.
We say so because with the political definition of the Niger Delta, as contained in the NDDC Act, which added Abia and Imo from the South-East, and Ondo from the South-West zones as members and beneficiaries of the commission’s policies and programmes, the core South-South states of Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo and Rivers have been glaringly short-changed, and the main purpose of the NDDC clearly defeated, ab initio.
Indeed, when the colonial administration ventilated the concerns of the minority groups in the Niger Delta, and held several conferences before Nigeria’s Independence to agree on workable structures to manage the peculiar development needs of the people, the present configuration was not in the picture, as the now South-East and South-West regions were comfortable with the status and pace of development in their communities.
We think that the creation of SEDC, and possibly, South West Development Commission in future, will give such states as Abia, Imo and Anambra in the South-East, and Ondo and Lagos in the South-West, as well as Bauchi and Borno in the North-East, where crude oil have been found, and is being exploited or exploration is ongoing, undue advantage over the South-South states, because they will still benefit from the NDDC.
This is why we insist on the establishment of the South-South Development Commission (SSDC) to frontally tackle the environmental and development challenges of the impoverished people. We believe that if there is any zone in this country that requires special development agenda and institution to harness its challenges and drive development of affected communities, it is the South-South. If for nothing, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) Report recommendations have set the groundwork for the establishment of such commission, with dedicated funding, for addressing the social, economic, environmental and developmental issues in the zone.
We, therefore, challenge National Assembly members from the six states in the zone to come together, articulate and formulate a bill to establish the SSDC, specifically tailored to resolve the resolutions and recommendations of the 1958 Willinks Commission. Perhaps, the lawmakers would also need to synergise with political leaders in the zone, especially governors, to frame a structure and institution that would be sustainable and address the people’s concerns, in the long run. This step, we think, will assuage frayed nerves in the zone, who feel disadvantaged by the subsisting NDDC Act, coverage, management structure and mandate.

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Editorial

Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

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The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.

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Editorial

Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

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Community leaders in Etche Local Government Area (LGA) of Rivers State have raised the alarm over spiralling insecurity, rampant land encroachment, and the growing menace of herdsmen attacks that are devastating their communities.
At a recent stakeholders’ forum convened with state authorities and headed by the Commissioner of Police, Mr Olugbenga Adepoju, the leaders implored the Rivers State Government to act urgently. They warned that criminal activities have collapsed essential services, including healthcare and education, plunging residents into hardship.
Mr Adepoju, representing the Sole Administrator of Rivers State, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (Rtd), visited Etche as part of a broader fact-finding mission aimed at evaluating community challenges and formulating targeted responses rooted in local feedback.
Hon. Onyenachi Nwankwor, Administrator of Etche LGA, underscored the intensifying threat posed by herdsmen. He reported that farmlands are being seized, with armed herders allegedly extorting inhabitants and presenting serious risks to lives and property.
Farmers have been uprooted from their ancestral lands, severing generational ties and undermining their livelihoods. The abandonment of fields jeopardises food security and frays social cohesion, inflaming tensions and stoking fears of escalating conflicts over land and resources.
Women of Ogoni ethnic nationality, particularly in Luusue Sogho, Khana LGA, have decried escalating herders’ attacks on their farms, which are upending livelihoods and engendering fear. The systematic destruction of crops erodes economic stability and imperils food security, worsening malnutrition.
Similarly, women farmers in Ejamah, Eleme LGA, protested the destruction of their crops. They carried remnants of ruined harvests to the Eleme Police Station in a desperate plea for justice and protection.
A particularly harrowing incident was recorded in Afam Uku, Oyigbo LGA, where herdsmen reportedly attacked farmers, leaving two dead. The assault also resulted in the destruction of crops and displacement of numerous farming families.
Despite the Open Rearing and Grazing (Prohibition) Law No. 5 of 2021 designed to curb open grazing, violations persist. There is renewed demand for rigorous enforcement, swift arrests, and prosecutions to send an unequivocal message that lawlessness will no longer be condoned.
With a state of emergency declared in Rivers State, the onus is on every indigene and resident to proactively prevent any escalation into a full-blown crisis. Complacency is not an option; vigilance and cooperation with authorities are paramount. Crucially, security operatives must understand the heightened sensitivity of the situation and act decisively to maintain law and order.
Security agents must actively monitor vulnerable areas, identify potential flashpoints, and intervene promptly to avert unrest. Timely and resolute action is vital to restoring normalcy and forestalling larger catastrophe.
A sustainable solution lies in transitioning from open grazing to ranching, supported by policy and funding. Additionally, local peace committees should spearhead dialogue and mediation. Only through concerted action, inclusive dialogue, and strict law enforcement can Rivers State build a future of peace and shared prosperity.
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Editorial

Democracy Day: So Far…

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Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.

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