Editorial
Oil Blocks Allocation: Matters Arising
Statistics show that the total number of oil leases granted operators by the Federal Government as at December ending, 2012, stood at 201. While the total number of Oil Mining Leases (OMLs) in operation are 109, Oil Prospecting Leases (OPLs) are 92.
Yet, there is a school of thought that believes that 83 per cent of oil blocks in the country are allocated to Northerners. But more worrisome is the revelation that 88 per cent of the oil blocks are actually owned by multinational oil companies led by Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC).
Interestingly, no fresh allocation of oil blocks has been made since President Muhammadu Buhari assumed office on May 29, 2015. His predecessor, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, also made no fresh allocations. However, fresh allocations may be made by the current administration, with experts saying such is due, as the government is on the verge of revoking operating licences of a number of oil block owners following the expiration of their licences.
It is against this backdrop that the recent pronouncement by renowned and fiery Lagos lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), that the practice of allocating oil blocks to individuals and International Oil Companies (IOCs) by the Federal Government is against the Constitution of Nigeria, and should be stopped, comes into focus.
Falana, had in a letter, asked President Buhari, to henceforth allocate oil blocks only to the federal and state governments, contending that those who got oil blocks often got more money than the country.
The erudite lawyer said, the practice violates Section 16 (2) (c) of the Constitution, which he said provides that “the economic system is not operated in such a manner as to permit the concentration of wealth or the means of production and exchange in the hands of few individuals or of a group”.
While calling on the Federal Government to go ahead with the plan to revoke a number of oil blocks and marginal fields hitherto allocated to a few individuals as well as local and foreign corporate bodies by former military and civilian regimes, Falana said the plan is a courageous decision, but that the government would have to desist from renewing the remaining licences of other oil block owners in the country.
He further posited that the President may not be aware that majority of the owners of the oil blocks allocated to individuals were usually sub-leased to offshore companies because the beneficiaries often lack the fund and technical expertise to develop them, adding that by merely collecting huge rents, the oil block owners become stupendously rich while the federal, state and local governments depend on loans and bail out to pay salaries and carry out basic infrastructural development of the country.
According to Falana, the allocation of oil blocks to a few individuals and corporate bodies by the government constitutes gross violation of the fundamental rights of the Nigerian people to freedom from discrimination, equal right of access to public property and in the equal enjoyment of the common heritage of mankind as well as the right to social, economic and cultural development guaranteed by articles 2, 13, 22 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act.
We recall that when in 1956, crude oil, was discovered in commercial quantity in the sleepy town of Oloibiri in today’s Bayelsa State located in the Niger Delta region, the expectation was that the move would bring prosperity, stupendous wealth and, indeed, the good life to the people of the area, nay Nigerians as a whole.
But it is regrettable that the Nigerian people have not benefitted maximally from that giant economic leap so much that it has rather left majority of them worse off, with abject poverty staring them in the face.
Paradoxically, the people have remained poor in the midst of plenty, owing to a number of factors, including the arbitrary allocation of oil blocks and marginal fields by successive administrations in the country. The end result is that the wealth that is buried in the bowels of Oloibiri and in other oil bearing communities in the Niger Delta region is being cornered by a few Nigerians and foreigners.
Again, there is no gainsaying the fact that corruption, which has eaten deep into the fabric of the Nigerian State has remained the greatest bane of the country, as this cankerworm has permeated all sectors of our national life.
There is also no denying the fact that the allocation of oil blocks to individuals in the country is skewed in favour of certain persons from a section of the country at the expense of others. Such allocations, which are grossly lopsided, are intended to serve some political, economic and other primodial interests.
Like Falana, other experts have warned that Nigeria must learn from the pitfalls of the oil block allocations made by previous regimes.
A United States – trained petroleum engineer and former staff of Chevron Nigeria, Alex Neyin, said oil block allocations in the country are hardly transparent as they are done on the basis of ‘man-know-man’.
The Tide agrees no less that the benefits derivable from crude oil production in the country have not trickled down maximally to the ordinary people, and, therefore, suggests that the process of allocating oil blocks should be made public and transparent in such a manner that people with the requisite competence and financial muscle should bid for the oil blocks.
There is also the urgent need to amend the law that arrogates the President of the country the sole right to allocate oil blocks. Vesting such powers in the President is open to abuse and manipulation, as is currently the practice, where some oil blocks were given out to associates, friends and cronies without due process.
However, beyond allocating the oil blocks only to the federal and state governments as suggested by Falana, there is the need for government at all levels to be alive to its constitutional responsibilities of catering for the welfare of the Nigerian people. We agree that allocating the oil blocks to government would leave much more money in the pockets of government, but the multi-million naira question is: will this change anything?
It is sad that the country is still grappling with the problem of epileptic power supply and the general failure of basic infrastructure in virtually all sectors of the country. Poverty is still deep-seated and pervasive. Corruption in high places is still rife. While the poor gets poorer, the rich gets richer.
Unemployment is at its peak. Nothing seems to be working. This is in spite of the fact that the wealth emanating from crude oil is capable of transforming the country and improving the general wellbeing of the people.
In all, in the spirit of equity and social justice, oil producing areas and communities must be accorded priority in the allocation of oil blocks and marginal fields in the country. We strongly believe that this would go a long way in assuaging the deep-seated feelings of marginalization among the Niger Delta people in particular.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.