Editorial
In Defence Of 100 Days ‘Exam’
A road project
Whatever excuses some may advance to the contrary, 100 days in office benchmark, as a necessary milestone to assess performance of the executive arm of government cannot be easily wished away. As a convention, it enables the governed to hold the government accountable and in the process set performance templates for those in power.
Beyond that it reassures the electorate that those they voted into power and positions of authority indeed know what kind of service to deliver and were indeed prepared for such service. One Hundred days may be short a period to solve all of the people’s problems but long enough period to address pressing issues that formed a part of a given politician’s campaign worries.
It is indeed such performance that sets the basis for public assessment and also help drive future achievements. More than anything else, such performance score-card gives the people hope for a better or sustained service delivery in the future.
Truly, no two instances are exactly the same. To properly examine the performance of a state executive therefore, key indices must be outlined. These include what the new government inherited in terms of funds, human and material resources, assets and liabilities and indeed the prevailing security climate, since no meaningful development can be achieved in an atmosphere of insecurity, senseless bloodletting and wanton destruction of human lives and property, among others.
What did the Nyesom Wike administration in Rivers State meet on assumption of office in May 29, 2015? Apart from the fact that what ought to be a smooth transition fell far short, with the unexplained absence of Wike’s predecessor, former Governor Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi at the inaugurals, the new government inherited a myriad of challenges.
Firstly, the state had for more than a year, remained without a functional House of Assembly. What existed was irregular assembly of law makers who, once in a while were invited to rubber-stamp executive needs, desires and appetites. The same was true of the judicial arm, as the courts also remained firmly shut against anxious and helpless litigants, lawyers and other court servants.
Civil servants’ salaries and pensioners’ stipends were in arrears of between three and five months, while, roads in Port Harcourt and environs were glorified death traps with dangerous gullies and potholes.
On assumption of office, Gov. Nyesom Wike told Rivers people that his administration met a virtually empty treasury and huge debts running into billions of naira. Another challenge was the state of poorly or non-executed contacts for which full or reasonable payment had been made by the Amaechi government.
Also worrisome was the unexplained sale of electricity power plants belonging to the Rivers State government, the sale of the state-owned Olympia Hotel and huge resources wasted on the Monorail project, among many others.
To meet the most urgent concerns, the Wike administration made a list of priorities necessary to drive development. Top on the list was security. With crime and cult-related activities at their peak, no reasonable success would have been recorded, hence the need to address the issue of insecurity.
Within the period under review, the state collaborated with the Police and other security agencies to tackle the menace. To ensure effective policing, the government purchased and donated nearly 30 patrol vans to the security agencies and at the same time battled cult-related violence to a standstill.
With the improved security situation, investors returned to the state along with new ones; commerce and trade thrived and the night-life for which Port Harcourt was popular, was restored, with people moving about their normal businesses and pleasures, without molestation.
Within the period under review, the Wike administration cleared the backlog of civil servants salaries and retirees’ benefits and also ensured prompt payment of salaries. The courts were re-opened and the State House of Assembly restored their constitutional powers, using their official complex instead of the government House.
But what has attracted the most applause by stake-holders was the ‘state of emergency’ declared on roads. Government secured a N30 billion loan duly approved by the State House of Assembly to address the issue of poor road network. Competent contractors were also engaged to resurface death-traps called roads and also construct new ones.
One Hundred Days after, the harvest is indeed bountiful. The long neglected and abandoned Creek Road and the only Borikiri access road (Harold Wilson Drive) are now a treasure to behold. The Abonnema/Obonoma Bridge in Akuku-Toru LGA was constructed and commissioned, so also was the old Port Harcourt, Kom-Kom-Oyigbo Road; Iloabuchi/Eagle Island Link road and many others within Port Harcourt and environs. Government also built and in addition to commissioned the Law Faculty Building of the Rivers State University of Science and Technology.
Perhaps, a major wonder to behold is the construction and commissioning of 50 Housing Units at Iriebe, in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area by the Wike administration, within two months, with a promise to complete all other abandoned housing projects in the state.
These indeed are real changes the people can see and feel. With non-payment of salaries for three months and retirees’ benefits for much longer, many lost their lives. So did some litigants and lawyers on account of the protracted closure of the counts.
With salaries arrears cleared and courts re-opened, the state economy was automatically re-jigged as trade and commerce also came to life on account of improved road infrastructure. These indeed were basic needs of the people denied for long, in preference for political misadventure.
This indeed is the foundation which the Wike administration has laid for future development and progress of the state, in spite of the enormous challenges it met on assumption of office. It also provides the citizenry score-sheets upon which to assess and judge their government.
What is your score?
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.