Politics
NASS, APC And Politics Of Exclusion
President Muhammadu Buhari and Senate President, Bukola Saraki
The 2015 Nieria general
election in Nigeria has come and gone. The campaigns really heated up the Polity through the mantra for ‘Change’ versus that of ‘Continuity’. At the end of the day, the All Progressives Congress (APC) defeated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which was in power for 16 years.
The APC also controls majority in both Houses of the National Assembly (NASS-the Senate and House of Representatives).
In a federalism such as Nigeria’s, power sharing and zoning is an integral part of the polity as a result of its diversity (regional, ethnic, religion etc). Consequently, the two major parties in the NASS have key roles to play in stabilizing the polity because of the yearnings and aspirations of the populace.
Unfortunately, the proclamation of the 8th National Assembly on the 9th of June, 2015 and subsequent election of key officers in both Houses have rekindled another crisis in the polity and therefore pose a serious concern to the Nigerian citizenry. The festering conflict within the ranks of APC legislators in the NASS especially in the lower chamber, is no doubt an embarrassment to the party and to the surprise of many Nigerians.
There is therefore need to resolve the crisis and end the impasse in the NASS, while the APC leadership should also muster the courage and required capacity to arrest the drift.
It is against this backdrop that it has become pertinent to consider the context of party supremacy and discipline in an attempt to bring stability in the polity, and NASS particularly.
Politics, refers to any human relationship that involves, to a significant extent, control, influence, power and authority. The APC, which is the party in power, seems to be a marriage of inconvenience made up of defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ANC), Congress for Progressive change (CPC), the All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP), a splinter group of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and much later the defectors from the Peoples Democratic Party called (New PDP).
These groups have their various interests, values and aspirations, but merged first to wrestle power from the PDP behemoth. The most familiar base of influence and power is power itself, hence the struggle for the soul of the APC.
This is very obvious in the manner the positions of presidential candidate, Presidential running mate and party national chairmanship of which Muhammadu Buhari (CPC), Yemi Osibanjo (ACN) and John Odigie Oyegun (ANPP) respectively emerged.
Their peaceful emergence brought a glimmer of hope that the party was on course and can assert itself in all spheres and scheme of things especially after the accompanying victory at polls through fostering of party discipline, supremacy and therefore stability of the nation’s fragile polity.
As a party in power, it hehoves APC to whip its members into line either by use of threat or sanctions. But here again, distribution of positions and offices should not be done to the exclusion of any group as compromise is needed to incorporate all groups after careful consideration of the federal character principle.
The federal character principle is an attempt in search of national integration where there is all inclusiveness. Apart from national integration in a diverse political framework, it also has the ideology of power sharing, political restructuring, equity, justice, gender access and even democratic stability in Nigeria.
The doctrine was formulated to address and hopefully mitigate the problems of lopsidedness so as to ensure a peaceful, stable and integrated Nigeria.
The history of federal character, power sharing and power supremacy in the National Assembly predates the 2nd Republic when the coalition of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and National Peoples Party (NPP) shared power and political offices in the federal Houses, with the NPN producing the Senate President (Dr Joseph Wayas) of the present day South –South region, while the NPP produced Mr. John Wash Pam of the North Central as Deputy Senate President.
In the House of Representatives, Honourable Edwin Gme-Ezeoke (NPP) of the South-East was voted Speaker and Hon. Idris Kuta (NPN) of the North-West was Deputy Speaker.
In 1999, with the beginning of the 4th Republic, the PDP emerged as the party in control after the 1999 election National offices were also shared equitably with the federal character principle in mind. By this formula, president Olusegun Obasanjor came from the South West, Vice President Atiku Abubakar from North-West, Senate, President, Evans Enwerem /Chuba Okadigbo and Ayim Pius Ayim/Adolphus Wagbara/Ken Nnamani from the South East.
The North West produced the Speaker, House of Representatives (Salis Buhari) Ghaali Na-abar and Aminu Masari) Deputy Senate President came from the North Central with A. Haruna and I. Mantu as beneficiaries white the South –South produced the Deputy Speaker, House of Representative (Chibudom Nwuche/Austin Opara.
Then, there was a conscious plan to zone national offices for reasons of equity and justice. This is a result of the role of party supremacy in which the party in Majority would assert its influence, authority and control on its members.
There were, however, occasional changes in occupants of some of those positions as could be noticed in the position of the Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives. This was occasioned by executive interference culminating in impeachment over a period of eight years. Nevertheless, zoning was respected and the six zones benefited from the top six hierarchy.
By 2007, the PDP remained in control of power both at the executive and legislative arms of government with the emergence of David Mark and Miss Patricia Ettch as Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives respectively. For the first time, a female was elected on the floor of the House to the exalted position of fourth citizen of the nation. This act, again, was a conscious arrangement by the ruling PDP to imbibe affirmative action and a sense of belonging to the polity.
In 2011, for instance, the PDP-controlled Senate made another conscious effort to distribute principal positions from which the following emerged: Senate President, David Mark (North Central), Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu (South East), Majority Leader, Victor Ndoma-Egba (South South), Deputy Leader, Abdul Ningi (North East), Majority Whip, S. Gwarzo (North West); and Deputy Whip, Hosea Agboola (South’ West).
In other words, parties in Power and opposition alike are expected to take into consideration the principle of federal character and geo-political spread in the allocation of principal positions so as to achieve the required stability in NASS.
In 2015, the APC with a majority in both Houses is expected to follow similar pattern, but the leadership chose to do otherwise. The first salvo came from President Buhari who said he would not dabble into the affairs of the legislative arm and as such would be willing to work with whoever emerges on the floor of both Houses.
The Vice President, Yemi Osibanjo corroborated Buhari’s remarks, by saying that meril must supersede zoining in appointments to political offices. Oridinarily, these comments are ideal but may not augur well with a group with vested interest in the party.
The party’s leadership endorsed Ahmed Lawan of Yobe State (North East), George Akime of Benue State (North Central), Femi Gbajabiamila of Lagos State (South West), and Mohammed Monguno of Borno State (North East) for Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker House of Representative and Deputy Speaker respectively. There was no consideration for zoning.
Suddenly, on June 9th, 2015, Bukola Saraki (APC), Ike Ekweremadu (PDP), Yakubu Dogara (APC), and Wale Lasun (APC) were voted as Senate President, Deputy Senate President, Speaker and Deputy Speaker respectively as against the dictates of the party leadership.
This was a grave blunder committed by the party leadership. Not long after, zonal caucuses of the party in both Houses decried marginalization in power sharing which led to the ensuring conflict within the ranks of the APC legislators in the NASS, especially in the lower chamber.
From all indications it appears that the APC has been captured by elements of the “New PDP” within the party and that these elements are working with the PDP to undermine the APC and its leadership who is being accused of being insensitive to the groups’ interest as co-stakeholders.
Their reasoning seems to be that the party leadership must not see itself as being supreme to the point of constituting an alternative to equity and justice, or a license to impunity.
The situation is further worsened by the fact that as crisis deepens, members come out with contradicting opinions and statements on the feud.
Meanwhile, the ‘dissident’ group relies on the provision of the law which clearly states that legislators should appoint or elect their own leaders within the two chambers, and that there is no provision that gives the chairman of a party the power to appoint the major officers in the National Assembly.
The unfolding scenario in the National Assembly is a clear confirmation that every political party seeks to acquire political power, but it is more difficult for them to maintain themselves in power.
This appears to be the APC’s challenge today. It is also a warning for APC to negotiate before it rocks the boat, knowing that 2019 is not too far.
.Lulu-Pokubo is a Port Harcourt-based political analyst
Omomye Lulu-Pokubo
Oyo State Governor, ‘Seyi Makinde, has renamed The Polytechnic, Ibadan as Omololu Olunloyo Polytechnic, Ibadan, in honour of a late former governor of the State, Dr Omololu Olunloyo.
Dr Olunloyo, who died on April 6, 2025, was the pioneer Principal of the Polytechnic, Ibadan, while he also served as Governor of Oyo State between October 1 and December 31, 1983.
Governor Makinde made the announcement at the state interdenominational funeral service held yesterday in honour of the late former governor at the Obafemi Awolowo Stadium, Liberty Road, Ibadan.
Governor Makinde said Dr Olunloyo lived an eventful life, adding that his attainment and personality could not be summarised in one sentence.
“He was not a man we could summarise in one sentence. He was a scholar, a statesman, a technocrat, a lover of culture and, above all, a man of deep conviction.
“While giving the exhortation, I was listening to Baba Archbishop Ayo Ladigbolu and he said in 1983, Baba became Governor of Oyo State. Though his time in office was brief, his election victory over a popular incumbent remains a powerful testament to the trust people gave him.
“I talked about preserving and digitising his library yesterday [Wednesday] as a mark of honour to Baba Olunloyo.
“Today, we will be giving Baba another honour to immortalise him. He was the first Principal of The Polytechnic, Ibadan; that institution will now be named Omololu Olunloyo Polytechnic, Ibadan.”
Earlier in his sermon, a retired Methodist Archbishop of Ilesa and Ibadan, Ayo Ladigbolu, described the late Olunloyo as a role model with intellectual inspiration and unassailable integrity.
The cleric said the deceased also demonstrated leadership in most superior quality during his lifetime.
In attendance were the state Deputy Governor, Chief Abdulraheem Bayo Lawal; wife of a former Military Governor of the old Oyo State, Chief (Mrs) Dupe Jemibewon; wife of a former Governor of Oyo State, Chief (Mrs) Mutiat Ladoja; former Deputy Governor and PDP Deputy National Chairman (South), Ambassador Taofeek Arapaja; and former Deputy Governor, Hazeem Gbolarumi.
Others were the member representing Ibadan North-East/South-East Federal Constituency, Hon Abass Adigun Agboworin; Chief of Staff to the Governor, Otunba Segun Ogunwuyi; Oyo State Exco members; Chairman of Oyo State Elders’ Council, Dr Saka Balogun; Chairman of All Local Government Chairmen in Oyo State, Hon Sikiru Sanda; President-General of the Central Council of Ibadan Indigenes (CCII), Chief Adeniyi Ajewole; religious leaders and family members, among other dignitaries.
Ten members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) National Working Committee (NWC) have countered the Acting National Chairman, Umar Damagum, on the reinstatement of Senator Samuel Anyanwu as National Secretary.
The dissenting members, led by the Deputy National Chairman ( South), Taofeek Arapaja, in a joint statement, said no organ of the opposition party could overturn the decision of the 99th meeting of the National Executive Committee (NEC).
The dissenting NWC members include Arapaja; Setonji Koshoedo, Deputy National Secretary; Okechukwu Obiechina-Daniel, National Auditor; Debo Ologunagba, National Publicity Secretary; Ologunagba; Woyengikuro Daniel, National Financial Secretary and Ahmed Yayari Mohammed, National Treasurer.
Others are Chief Ali Odefa, National Vice Chairman (South East); Emmanuel Ogidi, Caretaker Committee Chairman (South South); Mrs. Amina Darasimi D. Bryhm, National Woman Leader and Ajisafe Kamoru Toyese, National Vice Chairman (South West).
The group also insisted that contrary to the position of the acting National Chairman, the 100th NEC meeting of the party would be held on June 30 as earlier scheduled.
The statement read: “The attention of the National Working Committee (NWC) of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has been drawn to a press briefing by the acting National Chairman, Amb. Umar Damagum, today Wednesday, June 25, wherein he attempted to overturn the resolution of the 99th National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting which scheduled the 100th NEC meeting for Monday, June 30.
“The acting National Chairman in the said press briefing also reportedly announced that Senator Samuel Anyanwu has been asked to resume as National Secretary of the party contrary to the resolution of the 99th NEC meeting, which referred all matters relating to the office of the National Secretary to the 100th NEC meeting.
“The pronouncements by the acting National Chairman have no foundation as no organ of the party (including the NWC), individual or group has the power to cancel, overrule, veto or vary the resolution of the National Executive Committee (NEC) under the Constitution of the PDP (as amended in 2017).
“For the avoidance of doubt, the NEC is the highest decision-making organ of the party, second only to the National Convention. By virtue of Section 31 (3) of the PDP Constitution, the resolution of the NEC to hold its 100th meeting on Monday June 30, is binding on all organs, officers, chapters and members of the party and no organ, group or individual can vary or veto this resolution of NEC.
“Furthermore, the claim by Damagum that Sen Anyanwu has been asked to resume office as the National Secretary of the party is, therefore, misleading being contrary to the resolution of NEC.
“In the light of the foregoing, the 100th NEC meeting as scheduled for Monday, June 30, has not been canceled or postponed.”
The Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, has fired back at former Kaduna State Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, following the latter’s scathing criticism of President Tinubu’s administration and his 2027 re-election prospects.
In an interview on live television, Mallam El-Rufai said it would take a “miracle” for President Tinubu to be re-elected in 2027, citing an internal poll that purportedly shows a 91 percent disapproval rating for the president across key regions in the country, including the South-East and the North. He also claimed that President Tinubu’s disapproval rating in Lagos stood at 78 percent.
Reacting on Wednesday via a post on X (formerly Twitter), Mr Onanuga took a swipe at the ex-governor, quoting a harsh assessment of Mallam El-Rufai’s character from former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s memoir, My Watch.
“Nasir’s penchant for reputation savaging is almost pathological,” Mr Onanuga wrote, citing Chief Obasanjo’s words. “Why does he do it? Very early in my interaction with him, I appreciated his talent. At the same time, I recognised his weaknesses; the worst being his inability to be loyal to anybody or any issue consistently for long, but only to Nasir El-Rufai.”
The presidential adviser emphasised Chief Obasanjo’s remarks that Mallam El-Rufai often tries to elevate himself by diminishing others. “He lied brazenly, which he did to me, against his colleagues and so-called friends,” Mr Onanuga continued, quoting the former President. “I have heard of how he ruthlessly savaged the reputation of his uncle, a man who, in an African setting, was like a foster father to him.”
Chief Obasanjo, who appointed Mallam El-Rufai as the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory between 2003 and 2007, did not mince words in the memoir, describing Mallam El-Rufai as suffering from “small man syndrome.”
Mr Onanuga’s post is seen as a direct rebuttal to Mallam El-Rufai’s recent criticism and growing opposition role. The former governor is reportedly playing a central role in forming a new coalition to challenge President Tinubu in the 2027 general election.
In March 2025, El-Rufai officially dumped the All Progressives Congress (APC) and joined the Social Democratic Party (SDP), intensifying speculations about his 2027 political ambitions.
As the political rift deepens, Mallam El-Rufai remains one of the most vocal critics of the Tinubu administration, while Mr Onanuga and other presidential allies continue to push back against what they describe as “reckless” opposition rhetoric.