As has been the case, Nigerian leaders would today per
form the usual ritual of critical self analysis: where we were, where we are now, and where we are expected as a nation of 250 unequal legs, 54 years hence.
Still, many a commentator would recall, how past leadership had mindlessly squandered the riches of the oil wealth of a nation that has so much promise of greatness, not just to its citizenry or black race, but to the entire humanity.
Yet, it is generally believed that Nigeria is a failed state that has little or nothing really impressive to show, except, perhaps, the symbolism of self rule and the psychic income it has offered.
Now, pause and consider this shocking revelation made some years back. Between 1960 when Nigeria attained independence and 1999 when democracy was restored, a staggering sum of $400 billion was stolen and stashed away by a generation of leaders almost all of whom have proved far too incompetent, and far too steeped in corruption, to meaningfully tackle the nation’s problems and give its people an abiding sense of direction.
The Executive Director of the United Nations Office on Drug and Crime (UNODC), Antonia Maria Costa, who divulged this at a seminar organised by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), in Abuja, 2007, further painted a terrible picture of the magnitude of the theft of our commonwealth, lamenting: “if you were to put $400 billion bills in a row, you could make a path from here to the moon and back not once but 75 times. The opportunity cost of the stolen commonwealth is enormous. Think of how different Nigeria would (have) looked today.”
Ofcourse, Costa stated the obvious. Fifty six years ago, Nigeria commenced commercial export of crude oil-exploited from the Niger Delta soil of which Rivers State is a major part to the international market. One-time Oil Minister and Professor of Virology, Tam David-West reveals in a press interview: “Shell BP began by exporting 5,1000 barrels per day (bpd) in 1958. In 1959, it jumped to about 10,000 bpd. And considering the fact that production and export have since surpassed that, David-West lamented: “That is a lot of money, but where is the money? There is nothing to show for it.”
It is, indeed, a painful paradox that despite the deluge of revenue from crude oil sale, complete neglect of basic infrastructure and stark rural and urban poverty, squalor and misery have remained in Niger Delta states, particularly Rivers State. In fact, the people of the state have ceaselessly complained bitterly about mass poverty, hunger and disease, environmental degradation and loss of their traditional means of livelihood. And “the fact that these issues are still starring us in the face,” wrote Steve Azaiki in his Inequities in Nigeria Politics, “indicate general neglect of the Niger Delta, which now challenges our sense of justice and precipitate the quest for fairness.”
Consequently, these issues, having dovetailed into a wider developmental crisis of the Nigerian federation today, have given Rivers people the impetus to begin to define their setting within the context of the Nigerian state. So, as Nigeria marks its 54 years of political independence from the British interlopers, the question on the lips of many Rivers people and lovers of equity and justice is: How well have Rivers State faired in the Nigerian Federation since 1960? Has the Nigerian state done enough to ameliorate the anguish of the beleaguered Rivers people for their contribution to the union? Why has there been stagnation in the living standards among the people of Rivers State for decades?
These questions which have remained unanswered ever since may have agitated the mind of the late elder statesman and hero of Nigeria’s independence when, as leader of the defunct Movement for National Reformation (MNR), he put it thus: “The issue is, what kind of union are we members of? What are the principles which will govern the governance of Nigeria? How is to be shared among the people “who have agreed to live together as one Nigeria?
However, it is apposite to briefly review the creation of Rivers State and the intervening variables in its developmental strides so far prefatory to situating the crisis of poverty, neglect and under development in the state within the wider Nigerian political economy.
Though a culmination of the peoples struggle for self determination, Rivers State, known as the Treasure Base of the Nation, was first created among twelve others by Decree No. 19 of May 27, 1967 by General Yakubu Gowon to douse the then secessionist moves of Biafra during the Nigerian civil war of 1967-1970.
The first Governor of Rivers State, King Alfred Diette-Spiff, when it was created once spoke of the satisfaction which the Rivers people have derived from having a state of their own. “The Rivers people,” he observed, “are fully identified now as Nigerians, as contributors to the effort in building the nation. And there is no doubt that without the state vehicle, we would never have had identity. We would just have been considered as whipping boys, the ones to be laid down for flogging.” Well, all that now is history.
Also known as Garden City because of its green vegetation, serene beauty, and a slightly undulating topography, the present structure of Rivers State, which capital is Port Harcourt, came into being on October 1, 1996 when Bayelsa State was excised from it.
It is bounded on the south by the Atlantic Ocean, Anambra, Imo and Abia states, on the North by Akwa Ibom State, on the East and the West by Bayelsa and Delta states.
Rivers State occupies an area of 12,240 square kilometers with a population density of 260.5 per cent. It is bigger in size and population than must members states of the Commonwealth and United Nations.
Rivers State has international airport at Omagwa, a Petro-Chemical plant at Eleme, two seas ports at Onne and Port Harcourt, a fertilizer plant at Onne, the Liquified Natural Gas plant at Bonny and a Refinery at Alesa-Eleme. It has also successfully embarked on Independent Power Projects at Eleme, Omoku and Trans Amadi in Port Harcourt. All these make the state the nerve centre of economic activities for investors.
The Rivers State economy may be divided into the traditional and modern. About 70 per cent of the population of the state is involved in the traditional sector which encompasses traditional agriculture, traditional fishing, traditional crafts making, and hunting and gathering. The major food crops produced in the state include plantains, cassava, cocoyams, and rice. Foods produced in the state include oranges, bananas, pawpaws, guava and pineapples.
And since virtually every part of Rivers State lies within the Niger Delta Basin, most communities in the state combine both agricultural and fishing activities. Thus, in terms of traditional economic activities of the people, agriculture and fishing define the mainstay of the economy. However, there has been steady productivity decline in agriculture and fishing due to population pressure, the swampy nature of the terrain and the deleterious impact of oil exploration activities.
Modern economic activities which are concentrated in Port Harcourt include manufacturing, commerce, utilities, and infrastructural development, and are largely dominated by non-indigenes of the state.
Nevertheless, the oil industry remains the most fundamental element in modern economic activities of the state. Rivers State is Nigeria’s premier oil producing state accounting for well over 50 per cent of crude oil output in the country. Beyond its negative impacts on agriculture and fishing, oil exploration activities have had disastrous environmental and ecological implications for the various communities that make up Rivers State. Ofcourse only a fraction of the oil proceeds from Rivers State would have been enough to check both the natural and man-made environmental and ecological disasters that define the state. Rather, the oil proceeds have been used to massively develop infrastructure in parts of the country, especially the north, at the expense of Rivers State where, owning to the difficult deltaic terrain, the cost of providing basic infrastructural facilities like roads, electricity and portable water is astronomical.
Piqued by the sordid inequity of robbing Peter to pay Paul, renown professor of Economics, Willie Okowa had, in a seminal presentation on Rivers State since 1967 said: “The use of oil resources derived largely from Rivers state in the creation of the infrastructural bases for development in other parts of country while denying the same treatment for the territory in which the oil is found speaks of a callousness that is numbing to the mind and an outrageousness that is a challenge to the ethics of civilised behaviour.”
Yet, besides the difficult deltaic terrain, the oil companies, observers say, have not been committed to protecting the environment from which they draw so much wealth. These companies have by their very prospects, polluted the environment, and left communities with destroyed farmland, polluted air and deteriorating marine life.
One of the most disturbing ironies in Rivers State and indeed Niger Delta is that crude oil for export is transported to Bonny and forcados through a network of pipelines stretching across 6,000 km over communities and living quarters, approximately the distance from Cape Town in South Africa to Cairo in Egypt. Yet, not enough care is taken to ensure the maintenance of the pipes which often corrode and burst, leading to oil spill, killing people and destroying farmlands.
Perhaps, more than the oil companies themselves, one factor that has been held responsible for the continued environmental degradation and retarded development, is the lack of political will of the Federal Government over the years to check the atrocities of the oil companies which have reached scandalous proportions. Every known law on environmental safety has been violated in Nigeria. The average rate of gas flaring in the world is about four per cent. In Nigeria, over 70 per cent of associated gas is flared, thus acquiring the notoriety of 25 per cent of all gas was flared in the world. And though Nigeria is a signatory to several international conventions including the United Nations Agencies 21 and the Kyoto Protocol, aimed at protecting the environment, not enough has been done to enforce them “because the main victims of this ecological genocide or ecocide” notes former Bayelsa State Governor, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha in a paper presented in 2004 to the Abuja Chapel of the Nigeria Union of Journalists “are the people of the Niger Delta.”
There is no gainsaying the fact that the plight of Rivers people as with the rest of the Niger Delta region poses serious socio-economic challenge. The relative increase in the aggregate economic growth of the Nigerian economy weighs heavily on the natural resources of the Niger Delta environment which is continually being degraded by the multi-national oil conglomerates. The net effect is the continued depletion of the natural environment and, by implication, the very livelihood of the rural dwellers who constitute over 70 per cent of the population in the Niger Delta. Due to inadequate or outright lack of such socio-economic services as education, health, portable water and sanitation, mass transportation, electricity and communication, high rates of urban population have compounded the general decline of services in the state and the rest of the region. This has further put pressure on the existing infrastructure, social services and the traditional sources of food supply. These pressures and their consequences are at the root causes of the crisis in the region.
Again, the neglect by the federal government and the oil companies in providing infrastructure have not only promoted poverty and despair, but unemployment and insecurity. This explains the high incidence of pipeline vandalism, hostage taking, sea piracy, community conflicts and youth restiveness.
Now, the beleaguered people of Rivers State are asking myriad questions that are begging for answers and attention. Why have Rivers a people, living amidst such immense wealth, continued to wallow in so much wants and depravity? Why have a people who contribute over 60 per cent to the national economy be so neglected in the scheme of things? Why has a state that has greatly helped in stamping Nigeria’s identity as the World’s sixth largest oil producer become so impoverished and reduced to mere debates and buck-passing? Why has Federal Government continued to vacillate on issues bordering on the sustainable development of the state?
Stakeholders have repeatedly insisted that it is all politics. The 1958 Willinks Commission Report, for instance, recommended that because of its dedicate ecology and difficult terrain, the region of which Rivers State is a part, should be made a special area to be developed directly by the Federal Government. And although the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) was duly established in 1961, and later, other interventionist schemes, the region, particularly, Rivers State has remained the least developed area of the country, in physical, social and economic terms. Even, the setting up of the poorly funded Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) in 1999, though a bold step, has not yet provided the much-needed elixir to the ailment of underdevelopment in Rivers State or the rest of Niger Delta.
Even at that, the amount of resources returned to the oil producing areas, in the form of Federal Account Allocations has not provided enough room for meaningful development.
Veteran journalist and former Chairman of NDDC, Chief Onyema Ugechukwu, had in a paper on Understanding The Niger Delta Question at a Nigerian Guild of Editors workshop in Port Harcourt, 2005, amplified how allocations to oil producing states plummeted.
He says: “The Independence Constitution had recognised a derivation principle in the sharing of revenues in the Federal Account. But by the 1970s when oil revenue became a dominant factor in that account, the derivation principle was under consistent erosion, principally because the states of the Niger Delta lacked political clout, especially in the military regimes that dominated the period, until 1999.”
Thus, he further stated, “Derivation was progressively reduced, from 50 per cent, through 30 per cent, until it reached a paltry 1.5 per cent, before it was raised to 3 per cent in 1992, where it remained until the return to civil rule in 1999 when it was increased to 13 per cent by the Obasanjo Administration.”
Despite this gesture and the creation of the Niger Delta Ministry to soothe frail nerves and assuage the unending feelings of marginalisation and neglect in Rivers State and other Niger Delta states, the people are still demanding a significant increase in remove allocation as evident in the just concluded National Conference where Rivers Delegates insisted on 50 per cent derivation.
Even as some opinion leaders in the northern part of the country have always complained that Rivers and the other Niger Delta states are getting too much, Rivers people and other highly perceptible Nigerians insist that they miss the point. Ugochukwu argues: “Their demand for a bigger share of the resources generated from their area is justifiable, first on the basis of their “special” need, which was acknowledged, even before oil became a major source of income, and secondly, on the basis of the additional problems which have resulted from oil production itself?”
Against this backdrop, Okowa queries: “Is it really asking too much of the Nigerian state to argue for use of some of the revenue derivable from this resource (oil) to create the infrastructural base for the enhancement of the prospects of development in Rivers State.”
No, stakeholders insist, arguing that there is now abundant – if not overwhelming-evidence that the socio-economic condition of River people, coupled with their renowned determination to fight for their rights, have given a new dimension to the challenge of developing the state, such that urgent and sustained efforts at redemption must be put in place to give it a sense of belonging and avert probable disaster. The question is: Will the Federal Government budge? Time will tell.
Nigeria At 58: Anything To Celebrate?
Nigeria clocks 58 years today as she gained her independence from the British colonialists on October1,1960. Fifty-eight years down the road, how has the nation fared? Is there anything to celebrate? Our correspondent went to town to get the views of a cross section of Nigerians and their responses are as amazing as they are interesting. Exerpts.
Hon Awaji –Inombek Abiante, House of Representatives member for Andoni Opobo/Nkoro
What are we celebrating? Are we celebrating constant power or free education? Our contemporaries have gone ahead of us. If you look at countries that started like us, many of them have left us behind. At 58, Nigeria is now the world capital of poverty. If really we are going to celebrate development, which one have we seen? Is it for the attainment in respecting the rule of law?
For us, if we cannot have an honest leadership recruitment process, then, we cannot be celebrating anything. In the last elections, we had reports of vote-buying. Is that progress?
To my mind, the independence anniversary calls for reappraisal and sober reflection, and rededication for better foundation.
Chief Anabs Sara-Igbe (Ijaw Leader)
Well, there are lot of things to celebrate. Over the years, there have been several attempts to disintegrate the country, but it has failed, secondly, seemingly, we are alive, thirdly, we are moving towards democracy, even though what we have now is still military democracy. The America we are seeing today is over 200 years and Nigeria is just 58. So despite the crisis, we are still alive.
We are moving from a poorer nation to an average one, looking at our population and we are able to feed our people.
“However, there is need for improvement. Our democracy and political system is not yet mature. We should see politics as service, we must not see poltics as self gain, and for self enrichment. We should ask ourselves what we can do for our nation. We should rather move our economy from public to private.
We should also think of restructuring the country, so that every section can move to contribute to nation building. Restructuring is the way forward in this country. Our security architecture also needs to be changed. It should be spread in such a manner that every part of the country will have a say in the security apparatus of the country. If we can do all these, then our country will change for the better.
For me, this year’s independence anniversary celebrations should be reflective. We have to look back and see how far we have come as a nation. There is a saying that ‘when you look at your neighbour, you will know what God is planning for you.
So, the question is: who are we looking at? You cannot really achieve much if you don’t have a goal. When it comes to the comity of nations, other nations that are developed and are where we aspire to go should be our model. Today, people from Dubai and the United Arab Emintes are no longer going to America. When you get there today, you will discover that at a time in their history, they were looking at America and today, they were able to achieve something close to America. Today Americans are visiting United Arab Emirates. Even we Nigerians leave our country to go visit Dubai. Unfortunately, these are countries that we were better than in the 60s and 70s, but today, they have gone past us. In the 50s and 60s, people were riding on camels there, but today it’s no longer so because they had a vision and pursued it.
The problem we are facing today is because we don’t pay attention to history. Some of the mistakes we made before, today, our politicians and leaders are still making the same mistakes. Things that are happening today had happened before. We have to learn from history. So for me, we have to do a reflective celebration this year.
“Nigeria at 58, to me we have done well having sustained democracy for 19 years. It’s a pointer that the country is making headway. But more needs to be done among political elites who by their quest to grab power have thrown the country into a chaotic situation.
“The present administration headed by President Buhari has actually not performed creditably. The reasons are that the administration has actually not reached out to the people, and there is practically non-human capital development in the country. That is the more reason why there is tension among the citizenry.
“In the first place, Nigeria is an independent nation, and that is very key, but the persons who celebrate must have a good reason to do so. You know celebration is associated with two things, joy as against kill – joy. Now if you look at the masses, the question I would like to ask is “are the masses happy? Even if you go to the North, some Northerners are not happy. So many of their people have been killed and anybody in mourning cannot be happy.
“Now let’s come to the area, where civil servants have been agitating for salary increase, that too have not materialized. And as you the workforce in Nigeria has greater percentage of the population. These workers also have children in higher institutions and primary schools. If you go to some families, to eat three square meals has become a problem. So many children, those families who have managed to train their children out of school, their children don’t still have jobs and they keep on feeding them – for such families, there is nothing to celebrate.
“For the civil servant whose dream of acquiring new minimum wage, it has not materialised, so for civil servants I don’t think there is anything to celebrate.
“Now if you look at the political atmosphere, the only people who don’t have retirement age are politician. If my grandfather was alive today, as a politicians he would have gone to pick intent form to contest election even at the age of 74. These are the things we are talking about while referring to the youths as leaders of tomorrow. Forgetting that for anyone to be a leader of tomorrow, he or she must undergo tutelage or training, and given a sense of belonging. But you discover that it is not the case in Nigeria. All we see around are old people, who don’t want to leave the political stage, instead they are prepared to adjust their age, in order to perpetuate themselves.
Comrade Opi Erekosima, Rivers State Chapter Chairperson of Radio, Television Theatre Workers Union
I want to join my voice with many other well-meaning Nigerians to congratulate the country as we clock another 58 years. Whether we like it or not, there is every need for us to celebrate. Despite the challenges before us which I see as obstacle, we can surmount, these are things that can make us stronger. I want to congratulate Nigeria for clocking 58 years at least for the first of life. You will really appreciate life when you visit the hospitals and the mortuary. And every Saturday, you hear obituary announcement, at least, that’s when you will appreciate life.
So I have every reason to say congratulations, first to myself and to Nigerians, then to the nation and then to my state. Yes, we are approaching another triumphant entry, I am talking about the 2019 elections and tempers are rising. Nigeria right now looks like a pot that’s boiling and someone needs to open the pot to see what the content is. So whatever the content is, I want to appeal to everybody to be calm. We need to be patient and hardworking.
Godwin Oruigoni, Civil Servant
As far as there is life, there is something to celebrate, even as an individual, you will discover that as you grow old, you see people celebrate life even when they don’t have anything to show with the belief that their tomorrow’s maybe better than today. That’s the same picture we are putting Nigeria into.
Yes, there are a lot of pitfalls and people’s expectation of the country is not what it’s supposed to be and that is why a lot of people are not excited to celebrate. However, if we don’t celebrate, it will look as if we have lost hope as a nation.
So we are celebrating to keep faith that no matter the pitfalls stemming from bad leadership, poor economy and infrastructure, we are still hopeful.
“As a Christian “we are expected to believe that our tomorrow will be better. We are not looking at the indices but we are looking at our potentials. Before this government came on board, there was so much hope, but today we are disappointed.
So we believe that it’s much more than the indices we are seeing now. For me, I believe that at this point in time, there is more God can do to change Nigeria for the better.
Dr Isaac Mieiamuno-Jaja
My opinion will be based on the Scriptures. The Bible says in every situation, we should give thanks to God. At 58 years of our independence, the country may not have arrived to the level everyone may have aspired to be. So in all, every good thing that has happened, some people have lost and in every bad thing that has happened, some other people also gained. On the totality, Nigeria has not gotten to where it supposed to be, but that does not mean that we have not made progress in some areas.
If for nothing, at least Nigeria is at peace and that is enough for us to be happy and thank God.
“So in thanking God, there is nothing like low key and high key thanksgiving and I believe that we must thank God in all fullness, especially for the life that we have. There is every reason to thank God for our independence, the issue of low key and high key does not obtain.
Nigeria @ 58: The Journey So Far
Nigeria’s journey to independence came to fruition when on October 1, 1960 the British colonialists granted her request to be independent. Since then, the country’s development has been described by many from different perspectives all through the emergent Republics and actions of politicians.
On the whole, rather than see the country’s existence to date as development, many prefer to view it as mere “moving on”, because, as they are wont to put it, “there’s nothing tangible to show for it, only suffering”. To what extent this is true, is dependent on who says it. A cursory look at Nigeria’s political history puts a lot of what the country is going through under perspective.
At independence, or on attainment of the First Republic, the dominant political parties were Northern People’s Congress (NPC), led by Sir Ahmadu Bello, National Council of Nigerians and Camerouns (NCNC), under the leadership of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Action Group (AG) led by Obafemi Awolowo and Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), with Malam Aminu Kano as its figure-head.
These parties were in control of their regions and areas of dominance. For instance, the Ahmadu Bello-led NPC was in firm control of the North, save for areas controlled by Aminu Kano’s NEPU. It is the same way that Azikiwe’s NCNC held sway in the Eastern part of the country, while Awolowo’s AG was in charge of the Western Region.
Some of the parties did well for their regions in such areas as infrastructure, education, and commerce. It is important to note here, for instance, that the benefit of Awolowo’s free education policy for the people of the old Western Region is still being reaped till date. The reason is that the people of the region embraced the policy and sent their children abroad to be educated. The result is that currently in Nigeria, the South West Zone has the highest number of educated people.
Awolowo also used proceeds from the sale of cocoa, which his region had in abundance, to build the first television station in Africa and the famous Cocoa House in Ibadan.
One notable snag in the politics of the period was the inability of the political parties to embrace unity and avoid electoral violence. This led to the first military coup of January 15, 1966: a group of young officers led by Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogu toppled the government of Tafawa Balewa, who was Prime Minister, while Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was President in the parliamentary government the country operated at independence. Following the coup, Major-General Aguiyi Ironsi became the first military Head of State.
Ironsi’s rule was cut short as it lasted for only six months, following a counter-coup staged by mostly officers from the North who believed that the first coup was one sided in favour of the South-East.
A young Colonel Yakubu Gowon was then elevated to the rank of General and became the second military ruler of Nigeria. He remained in power until August 27, 1975 when he was overthrown by another group of officers led by General Murtala Mohammed.
General Mohammed’s reign was short-lived as he was assassinated in another bloody coup. But the coup was aborted and Murtala Mohammed’s second in command, General Olusegun Obasanjo took over the reins of leadership and continued with the transition programme initiated by his predecessor in 1976. The transition was to put in place a civilian government in 1979, and also move the nation’s capital to Abuja.
Obasanjo successfully implemented the return to civil rule in October, 1979, which led to the emergence of the Second Republic, with an initial five political parties being registered: National Party of Nigeria (NPN), Nigerian People’s Party (NPP), Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP), People’s Redemption Party (PRP), and later Nigeria Advanced Party (NAP).
The NPN emerged as the ruling party after the elections with Alhaji Shehu Shagari becoming the first Executive President to be elected under the Federal Republic. This period witnessed some level of stability following the alliance of the NPN and NPP in a government of national unity. Although this alliance packed up later, the NPN still won in the 1983 elections. But no sooner had NPN won than the military struck again, this time under the leadership of General Muhammadu Buhari. The coup brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power on December 31, 1983.
Buhari’s government was toppled in another coup led by Brigadier Sani Abacha, which brought in General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangia (popularly called IBB) in August 1985 as Head of State.
One major innovation Babangida brought in his tenure was to change from multi-party system to two-party system with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC) setting the motion for the Third Republic.
The subsequent election that resulted from Babangida’s transition programme in 1993, though adjudged the “freest and fairest” elections Nigeria ever had, was annulled for reasons best known to the government then. The presumed winner of the elction, Chief Moshood Abiola, popularly called MKO Abiola, was not inaugurated as President.
Shortly after, the military set in motion another return to civil rule, following which the PDP won the 1999 elections to commence the present Fourth Republic, which set the record as the first time a civilian government handed over power to another civilian government.
So far, President Olusegun Obasanjo, who emerged the President of the Fourth Republic, had served two tenures of four years each and there had been Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, and currently, Buhari.
In analysing the country’s political growth since independence, political analysts are of the opinion that what all the political parties in power seem to lack is ideology.
Two scholars stand out in this instance: Dr. Emmanuel Onah and Dr. Ferdinand Ottoh, both of the Department of Political Science, University of Lagos.
According to them, “the political parties have no ideologies. They do not have a guiding principle to run their affairs”.
Otto, for one, is of the belief that it is this lack of ideology by political parties that has played out in the recent massive defections from one party to another.
“If we have ideology-based parties, it will be difficult for politicians to leave their parties for another. Instead, members would remain in their parties to remedy any challenge or problem to make the party stronger.
“The defections are for selfish reasons, and what we are witnessing is not healthy for our democracy. Some politicians, unfortunately work to satisfy their selfish interests”, he said.
On his part, Onah said multi-party system is good, but having 90 parties to contest an election is outrageous.
According to him, “it makes the system uninteresting because the big parties will certainly swallow the small ones. I think it is better to have two or three strong parties that should have strong national base and ethnic or religious influence”, he said.
This level of selfishness has no doubt transcended to all facets of the country’s being, so much that every other consideration seems to supersede the show of patriotism to the nation, which is the essence of governance.
In looking at economic development, Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Godwin Emefiele, while stating the importance of budget in the economic life of a nation, was quoted by Observer in 2015 as seeing budget in the light of it being “the roadmap to our future. It outlines government revenue and expenditure for a given fiscal year”.
From the perspective of the layman, the budget is what guides a government in what money is available, what amount should be spent in what sector, and at the end of the total amount what is earmarked as expendi-ture? This means that care would be taken to plan and execute it. Anything less is likely to spell doom for a country. The question therefore is how has Nigeria fared in this wise?
An idea of the answer to this question can be imagined from the experience of 2017 in Nigeria: Acting President, Yemi Osinbajo signed the nation’s Appropriations Bill into Law on June 12 in 2017. This was well over five months into the 2017 financial year. What this means is that for over five months, the government was spending funds that were not appropriated.
Interestingly, this misnomer is not new to Nigerians, even as it runs contrary to the dynamics of modern development which weighs heavily on effective planning and management of resources in the attainment of development objectives. This no longer happens in developed climes.
In fact, in most developed countries, the time span from the start of the preparation of budget proposals by Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) to the enactment of the Appropriations Act before the beginning of the financial year takes at least 12 months and there are defined time limits for each of the milestones in the budget process. This is currently not the case in Nigeria. The result is that monies are often spent at will, and later “retired”.
What this means is that, unlike budgeting in the private sector, which relies on free-flow of information between consumers and producers, with price signals reflect consumer preferences, customer satisfaction, and supplier costs and producer performance, while competition eliminates poor performers and shifts resources to those entities that improve efficiency and elevate utility, in the public sector, governments generally use past funding levels to determine future resource allocation.
In doing so, they virtually do not consider reflecting on preferences, satisfaction, or performance of the previous budget. This has no doubt given room to avoidable profligacy, and encouraged corruption, which seem to be the only truly developing phenomena in the country.
To counter this trend, and hence be seen serious in developing its economy, Nigeria needs to, among other things, adopt Performance-Based Budgeting to checkmate unnecessary and unwarranted spending.
Religion in Nigeria’s political space has always been with the country right from its inception as a nation in 1960 when the British colonialists handed power to Muslims.
In their paper titled, “Religion in Nigerian Political Space: Implication for Sustainable National Development”, Ntamu, G. U. , Abia O. T. , Edinyang, S. D. , and Eneji, Chris-Valentine Ogar captured it thus:
”Given the philosophy of Islam as a complete way of life for Muslims, Islam has always been closely attached to politics in Nigeria, especially in the Muslim dominated north. As alluded above, the British government duly recognised this fact in their dealings with the northern Islamic societies and explored it to legitimise their colonial rule in the region.
“Oyegbile and Abdulrafiu, (2009) observed that after the 1914 amalgamation of Nigeria and emergence of indigenous national politics, Islam has effectively represented a source of ethnic identity, group unity, political mobilisation, de-mobilisation, regime legitimisation and de-legitimisation in the country.
“As a result of this, the northern Hausa-Fulani therefore see themselves as the off-springs of the Sheikh Uthman Dan Fodio, representing the epitome of the Islamic holy Jihad and a product of an enviable Islamic socio-cultural history.
“Based on this, the popular Hausa-Fulani Muslim cleric, Sheikh Abubakar Gumi, asserted that Islam has a cultural and religious affinity with its members, thereby providing ‘many common cultural elements’ that united the people of the region who become adherents together (Human Rights Watch, 2005, Ihedirika, 2011 and Okune, 2011) thereby empowering them to be politically cohesive and formidable and using same for political mobilisation.
“It is however popularly held that the north were absolutely been held in contempt because of its unique historical, religious, cultural and political antecedents (Akaeze, 2009). Thus, Islam has since been conceived to be synonymous with the North in the political matrix of the entity called Nigeria”.
The result is that this has set the pace for religious politics in the country. The fact that political parties are still formed based on religious (geographical) divides, and efforts are still being made deliberately to balance positions within political parties along religious divide only confirms religious politics in Nigeria. Another way to note this is deciphering the origins of most top government functionaries.
Religious politics has in Nigeria’s 58 years proven to be a key factor of under-development as it encourages people being appointed to positions of trust just for the reason of them being of the same religion as the President, without recourse to their competence. It has also comes to play in political leanings in which incompetent persons are handed positions for which they have little understanding of.
The late playwright, Chinua Achebe summed it up in his book, “The Trouble with Nigeria”, when he said the county’s problem “is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land, climate, water, air, or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to their responsibility, to the challenge of personal example, which is the hallmark of true leadership”.
Consequently, the state of Nigeria’s pitiable socio-economic development has been a direct consequence of the actions and inactions of the leadership class that has managed the affairs and wealth of the country since independence. The result is that at 58, Nigeria is still yet to find her fit as the acclaimed “Giant of Africa”.
The situation is such that the numerous achievements of Nigerians the world over are greatly dwarfed by the bigger picture of the country, even as countries still respect individuals who have genuinely excelled in their fields of endeavour.
As Nigerians mark 58 years of nationhood, therefore, one key factor that should never cease to bother their leaders is how the country can truly allow the Rule of Law to take its rightful place: How can Separation of Powers be made functional? And, when shall the people truly enjoy their resources?
These are the banes of Nigeria’s development.
Wike: An Agent Of National Cohesion
With the passage of time, the familiar refrain, “though tongues and tribes may differ, in brotherhood we stand”, may long have been forgotten by many Nigerian citizens.Yet, a few, into whose consciousness this has permeated and still rings a note, have continued to uphold our unity in diversity as the basis on which our collective independence was signed.
For such ones, issues of peace, brotherhood, unity and national cohesion come tops in their daily decisions. They are found in virtually every geo-political region of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Here in the South-South, when it comes to forging common alliance to promote unity and advocacy for cohesiveness, especially among a people already fragmented by religious, linguistic and cultural disparities, one name stands out.
His Excellency, the Executive Governor of our dear Rivers State, Chief Nyesom Wike, has remained a personality driven by the goal of nationhood, in keeping with the dreams and aspirations of the founding fathers of our great nation.
Chief Wike’s passion and drive for national cohesion dated back to the year 2003 when he was elected into the national presidency of All Local Government of Nigeria (ALGON). This opportunity provided him the leverage to interact with 774 local government chairmen across the country. Their deliberations on issues affecting the politics and policies of the country, no doubt, may have constituted a springboard upon which the nationalist fervor in him was stimulated.
Amazingly, his appointment years later as a Minister of Education, precisely in 2011, took him deeper into the mainstream of Nigerian politics. This further elicited the nationalist potentials in the governor believed to have been incubated in his early years in local politics. His footprints in Nigeria’s political landscape are living testimonials.
Governor Wike’s ministerial portfolio did not only launch him into the national political theatre, it also signalled the dawn of his ministry as an agent of national cohesion. It is therefore, significant for providing a window through which the long-incubated nationalist tendency in Mr Governor was hatched.
As the country’s education helmsman, Chief Wike explored the role of education in fostering peaceful and harmonious coexistence as well as unity. He held many expectations for the education sector. Thus, constructively and holistically, he drew plans for implementation and helped midwife and breathed life to the sector.
His faith in the school as an instrument to raise an ideal labour force for the country’s manpower requirement, seasoned leadership for its bureaucracies as well as refined citizenry for an enlightened social order, made him to embark on a massive investment in teacher education.
Wike’s detribalised posture manifested in his execution of Almajiri Education Programme (AEP). Irrespective of whether a place is Islam –prone or not, Almajiri schools were established in all the geo-political zones of the country. This did not only serve as integrative mechanism, it created an atmosphere of homeliness for a folk which ordinarily was alienated by religious disparity.
The extent to which he used education for the purpose of national integration is a remarkable indication of his desire and willingness to foster ‘‘one Nigeria.’’ This is because he realised that the country was in a real crisis situation that could only be resolved through education.
Even as a state governor, Wike has continued to build bridges of friendship across different frontiers both within the country and beyond. His administration has played host to several national and international retreats and conferences. They include the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), Nigerian Institute of Architects (NIA), Rotary International , the African Bar Association (ABA) just to mention a few.
The Governor’s flare for national cohesiveness has earned him many encomiums which are absolutely devoid of flattery as is common with people in power and their psycophantic fans.
To further buttress his passion for national unity, Governor Wike delved into sports development which he describes as a string that binds all Nigerians together with no visible political party as a rallying force, having very crucial impact in our lives.”
The Governor believes that inspite of our political differences, there is always no differences among Nigerians when it comes to sports. For this reason, he said “whoever wants this country to be united will always support sports”
His choice of sports development as a unifying factor, did not only earn him a local recognition by the national and Rivers bodies of the Sports Writers Association of Nigeria (SWAN),he was also honoured by the International Sports Press Association (AIPS) in Brussels, Belgium, where he presented a paper on “Peace and Progress through Sports in the Niger Delta”
The governor’s recognition was hinged on his consistency in raising the bar of sports matters as well as effectively using sports as a veritable vehicle to fast track communal growth along the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and engaging a booming but restive youth populace.
During his investiture as the national patron of the Sports Writers Association of Nigeria (SWAN), by its National President, Alhaji Saidu Abubakar, he said “ I believe it does not matter which party you belong to, what matters is to promote the image of Nigeria and its unity.”
In his demonstration of the spirit of oneness (Espirit de Corp), Governor Wike extends his scepter to all irrespective of party affiliation, religious and ethnic differences. Leaders and renowned personalities in rival political parties have at different occasions been invited to inspect and commission projects executed by his administration.
It would be recalled that on June 27, 2017, Governor Wike paid a Sallah visit to the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III in faraway Sokoto State just to felicitate with him and his caliphate members on the Eid-el-fitr celebration. The reception accorded him during the visit was not only unprecedented but also instructive.
While in Sokoto, the governor was quite unequivocal on his stand on national unity.
September 18, 2017 witnessed a delegation of Northern Governor Forum led by the Governor of Bornu State, Alhaji Kashim Shettima to Chief Wike in Government House, Port Harcourt, to express their gratitude to him for what they described as an urgent step he took to nip in the bud, the crisis that erupted between members of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra(IPOB) and some Nigerians from the North in Oyigbo Local Government Area of the State.
Again, the visiting governors commended Governor Wike for his strong commitment towards national unity. Their words, “Governor Wike we are mightily proud of you and to associate ourselves with you. Nigeria is greater than political differences. We belong first and foremost to one political family, and that is the Federal Republic of Nigeria. You believe in the Nigerian project, for that we remain eternally grateful’’.
Most importantly, Governor Wike’s state wide broadcast in the wake of the IPOB crisis in Oyigbo will forever be remembered for not only dousing tension in the air, but for also restoring peace in what would have possibly degenerated to an ethnic squabbles.
His words,’’ As a people, we shall continue to support the unity and peaceful co-existence of all ethnic nationalities and work towards actualising our collective aspiration for a just, inclusive and progressive nation’’, clearly demonstrates his zeal in promoting national unity and cohesion instead of encouraging unnecessary animosity in the polity.
In all, Governor Wike’s verbal expressions, body language and actions in his political life, summarise him as a rare breed, bridge builder, ambassador of peace, above all, an agent of national cohesion.
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