Editorial
Tackling TB, HIV Scourge
The Nigeria Medical Association (NMA) on March 24, raised serious concerns over rising spate of tu-berculosis and HIV infections and spread in Nigeria, saying that while significant progress has been made globally in the fight against the two diseases, Nigeria still topped the list of TB most infected nations in Africa and 10th in the world while ranking second in HIV prevalence on the global scale.
Speaking at the forum to mark 2013 World Tuberculosis Day, with the theme: “Stop TB In My Life Time”, in Lagos, President of NMA, Dr Osahon Enabulele, charged the Federal Government to make the fight against TB one of the priority projects of the centenary anniversary by massively investing in TB research activities towards the discovery of the much-needed anti-TB vaccine, while increasing budgetary allocations to programmes aimed at reducing the scourge of HIV/AIDS.
Enabulele revealed that there are more than 84,263 new infections and 27,000 deaths annually from tuberculosis, adding that those most vulnerable are between 25 and 34 years, representing 36.6 per cent of all infected, with Lagos, Kano, Oyo and Benue states harbouring the highest infections rate, and Ekiti and Bayelsa states with the lowest rate of infection.
He decried the lack of drugs and modern treatment facilities to treat TB, saying that the fact that it is an entirely preventable and easily curable disease, if simple public health regulations, hygiene practices and treatment guidelines are adhered to, makes the difficulties being faced in fighting the disease more disheartening and called on government to establish National Centre for Disease Control for effective surveillance and control of diseases.
While regretting that international funding allocations have dropped from 48 per cent in the previous year to 42 per cent with marginal rise from domestic budgetary allocation from 28 per cent to 30 per cent in the face of heightening spread of the disease, he said it may be impossible for Nigeria to achieve the goal of 50 per cent reduction in prevalence and death from TB, if aligned with the 1990 baseline by 2015, let alone eliminating it as a public health problem by 2050.
Enabulele’s concern was again, corroborated by Head, Grant Management Division of Global Fund, Mark Edington in Lagos, at the signing of $335million five grant agreements to march Federal Government’s ‘Saving One Million Lives’ $500million allocation to support programmes aimed at curbing AIDS, TB and malaria pandemic in Nigeria by 2015. Edington revealed that the country had second highest prevalence of people living with HIV in the world, with only 30 per cent of those requiring treatment having access to anti-retroviral therapy.
He noted that HIV epidemic in Nigeria is highly concentrated among high-risk groups with 20 per cent of infections attributed to female sex workers while injecting drug users and men who have sex with men account for 9 per cent and 10 per cent, respectively, of annual new infections, adding that the grant resources will be targeted to achieve very significant increase in number of patients receiving anti-retroviral therapy and prevention of mother-to-child transmission services.
The Tide feels particularly pained by these revelations and grim statistics of the prevalence rate and deaths attributable to both TB and HIV against the availability ratio and access to anti-TB vaccine and antiretroviral therapy. Even more troubling is the dwindling fund allocations, because what we see is obviously a nation at the verge of losing a mass of critical human capital required to drive its development process in all fields and sectors. This is why we insist that the time for swift stakeholders’ concerted action to address the fundamental challenges of resources allocation by significantly increasing funding to solve the most critical health problems of our time, is now.
It’s sad that at a time when most preventable diseases have been eliminated in developed countries, Nigeria is still topping the list of nations with the highest number of infections and deaths arising therefrom. Government must invest adequately in research and production of anti-TB vaccines while increasing availability of microscope, culture, drug susceptibility centres and reference liboratories across the country. TB and leprosy control centres must also be opened in all the states and local governments for effective coverage of infected persons and pursue of programmes aimed at reducing the spread of the epidemics.
Also, there is all urgent need for National Orientation Agency (NOA), the state and federal ministries of information and of health to embark on sustained enlightenment and re-orientation campaigns targeted at the most vulnerable of societal chain to ensure that the prevalence rate of these diseases are reduced to the barest minimum, if not completely eliminated from the list of our public health problems.
Improving investments and allocations in human capital development and economic empowerment initiatives may play a serious role in reversing this ugly trend. We, thus, appeal to governments at all levels and other stakeholders to continue to increase their commitments to programmes aimed at building the capacity of the people and ensure the creation of an economic foundation that would sustain rubost development and growth for posterity.
These steps would help save this generation of leaders the shame that the present TB, HIV and malaria prevalence rates have exposed us to as a people in such a resource-blessed nation.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.