Tony Blairs Moving Speech To The Irish Palliament, The First
British Prime Minister To Do So, In The 80 Year Existence Of That Parliament
On Thursday, November 26, 1998, Tony Blair made history by
becoming the first British Prime Minister ever to address the Irish Parliament.
That Parliament had been created 80 years earlier in open
defiance of the British government which Blair now headed. Ireland had won its
independence from Great Britain after a bloody insurrection in the early 1920s,
marking the beginning of decades of intense animosity and outright violence. In
this speech, Blair recalls his own Irish roots and declares an end to more than
800 years of enmity between England and Ireland.
Members of the Dail and Seanad, after all the long and torn
history of our two peoples, standing here as the first British prime minister
ever to address the joint Houses of the Oireachtas, I feel profoundly both the
history in this event, and I feel profoundly the enormity of the honour that
you are bestowing upon me. From the bottom of my heart, go raibh mile maith
Ireland, as you may know, is in my blood. My mother was born
in the flat above her grandmother’s hardware shop on the main street of
Ballyshannon in Donegal. She lived there as a child, started school there and
only moved when her father died; her mother remarried and they crossed the
water to Glasgow.
We spent virtually every childhood summer holiday up to when
the troubles really took hold in Ireland, usually at Rossnowlagh, the Sands
House Hotel, I think it was. And we would travel in the beautiful countryside
of Donegal. It was there in the seas off the Irish coast that I learned to
swim, there that my father took me to my first pub, a remote little house in
the country, for a Guinness, a taste I’ve never forgotten and which it is
always a pleasure to repeat.
Even now, in my constituency of Sedgefield, which at one
time had 30 pits or more, all now gone, virtually every community remembers
that its roots lie in Irish migration to the mines of Britain.
So like it or not, we, the British and the Irish, are
We experienced and absorbed the same waves of invasions:
Celts, Vikings, Normans , all left their distinctive mark on our countries.
Over a thousand years ago, the monastic traditions formed the basis for both
our cultures. Sadly, the power games of medieval monarchs and feudal chiefs
sowed the seeds of later trouble.
Yet it has always been simplistic to portray our differences
as simply Irish versus English, or
British. There were, after all, many in Britain too who suffered greatly at the
hands of powerful absentee landlords, who were persecuted for their religion,
or who were for centuries disenfranchised. And each generation in Britain has
benefited, as ours does, from the contribution of Irishmen and women.
Today the links between our parliaments are continued by the
British-Irish Parliamentary Body, and last month 60 of our MPs set up a new
all-party “Irish in Britain Parliamentary Group.”
Irish parliamentarians have made a major contribution to our
shared parliamentary history. Let me single out just two:
·Daniel O’Connell, who fought against injustice to extend a
franchise restricted by religious prejudice;
·Charles Stewart Parnell, whose statue stands today in the
House of Commons and whose political skills and commitment to social justice
made such an impact in that House.
So much shared history, so much shared pain.
And now the shared hope of a new beginning.
The peace process is at a difficult juncture. Progress is
being made, but slowly. There is an impasse over the establishment of the
executive; there is an impasse over decommissioning. But I have been optimistic
the whole way through. And I am optimistic now. Let us not underestimate how
far we have come; and let us agree that we have come too far to go back now.
Politics is replacing violence as the way people do
business. The Good Friday Agreement, overwhelmingly endorsed by the people on
both sides of the Border, holds out the prospect of a peaceful long-term future
for Northern Ireland, and the whole island of Ireland.
The Northern Ireland Bill provides for the new Assembly and
Executive, the North-South Ministerial Council, and the British-Irish Council.
It incorporates the principle of consent into British constitutional law and
repeals the Government of Ireland Act of 1920. It establishes a Human Rights
Commission with the power to support individual cases. We will have an Equality
Commission to police a new duty on all public bodies in Northern Ireland to
promote equality of opportunity. We have set up the Patten Commission to review
policing. We are scaling down the military presence. Prisoners are being
None of this is easy. I get many letters from the victims of
violence asking why we are freeing terrorist prisoners. It is a tough question
but my answer is clear: the agreement would never have come about if we had not
tackled the issue of prisoners. That agreement heralds the prospect of an end
to violence and a peaceful future for Northern Ireland. Our duty is to carry it
out. That is a duty I feel more strongly than ever, having seen for myself the
horror of Omagh. This was not the first such atrocity. But with all of my
being, I will it to be the last. I will never forget the meeting I had, with
Bill Clinton, with survivors, and with relatives of those who died. Their
suffering and their courage was an inspiration. They will never forget their
loved ones. Nor must we. We owe it to them above all to build a lasting peace,
when we have the best opportunity in a generation to do so.
The Taoiseach’s personal contribution has been immense. I
pay tribute to his tireless dedication. I value his friendship. I also salute
the courage of our predecessors, Deputy Albert Reynolds, Deputy John Bruton and
John Major; and I also salute Deputy Dick Spring, whose role in this process
goes back a long way.
Like us, you are living up to your side of the bargain too.
You have voted to end the territorial claim over Northern Ireland, essential to
It is time now for all the parties to live up to all their
commitments. Time for North/South bodies to be established to start a new era
of co-operation between you and Northern Ireland, I hope agreement on these is
now close. Time to set up the institutions of the new government. Time for the
gun and the threat of the gun to be taken out of politics once and for all; for
decommissioning to start.
I am not asking anyone to surrender. I am asking everyone to
declare the victory of peace.
In Belfast or Dublin, people say the same thing: make the
It is never far from my mind. My sense of urgency and
mission comes from the children in Northern Ireland. I reflect on those who
have been victims of violence, whose lives are scarred and twisted through the
random wickedness of a terrorist act, on those who grow up in fear, those whose
parents and loved ones have died.
And I reflect on those, who though untouched directly by
violence, are nonetheless victims — victims of mistrust and misunderstanding
who through lack of a political settlement miss the chance of new friendships,
new horizons, because of the isolation from others that the sectarian way of
I reflect on the sheer waste of children taught to hate when
I believe passionately children should be taught to think.
Don’t believe anyone who says the British people don’t care
about the peace process. People in my country care deeply about it, are willing
it to work. And in our two countries, it is not just the politicians who have a
role to play.
No one should ignore the injustices of the past, or the
lessons of history. But too often between us, one person’s history has been
another person’s myth.
We need not be prisoners of our history. My generation in
Britain sees Ireland differently today and probably the same generation here
feels differently about Britain.
We can understand the emotions generated by Northern
Ireland’s troubles, but we cannot really believe, as we approach the 21st
century, there is not a better way forward to the future than murder, terrorism
and sectarian hatred.
We see a changed Republic of Ireland today:
·a modern, open economy;
·after the long years of emigration, people beginning to
come back for the quality of life you now offer;
·a country part of Europe’s mainstream, having made the most
of European structural funds but no longer reliant on them;
·some of the best business brains in the business world;
·leaders in popular culture, U2, the Corrs, Boyzone,
·a country that had the courage to elect its first woman
president and liked it so much, you did it again; and the politics of Northern
Ireland would be better for a few more women in prominent positions too.
And you see, I hope, a Britain emerging from its post-Empire
malaise, modernizing, becoming as confident of its future as it once was of its
The programme of the new Labour government: driving up
standards in education; welfare reform; monetary and fiscal stability as the
foundation of a modern economy; massive investment in our public services tied
to the challenge of modernization; a huge programme of constitutional change; a
new positive attitude to Europe — it is a program of national renewal as
ambitious as any undertaken in any western democracy in recent times.
It is precisely the dramatic changes in both countries that
allow us to see the possibilities of change in our relationship with each
It will require vision, but no more than the vision that has
transformed Ireland. It will require imagination, but no more than that shown
by the British people in the last two years. The old ways are changing between
London and Dublin. And this can spur the change and healing in Northern Ireland
too. The old notions of unionist supremacy and of narrow nationalism are
gradually having their fingers prised from their grip on the future.
Different traditions have to understand each other. Just as
we must understand your yearning for a united Ireland, so too must you
understand what the best of unionism is about. They are good and decent people,
just like you. They want to remain part of the UK — and I have made it clear
that I value that wish. They feel threatened. Threatened by the terrorism with
which they have had to live for so long. Threatened, until the Good Friday
Agreement, that they would be forced into a united Ireland against the will of
the people of Northern Ireland.
Yet they realize now that a framework in which consent is
guaranteed is also one in which basic rights of equality and justice are
guaranteed, and that those who wish a united Ireland are free to make that
claim, provided it is democratically expressed, just as those who believe in
the Union can make their claim.
It is all about belonging. The wish of unionists to belong
to the UK. The wish of nationalists to belong to Ireland. Both traditions are
reasonable. There are no absolutes. The beginning of understanding is to
My point is very simple. Those urges to belong, divergent as
they are, can live together more easily if we, Britain and the Irish Republic,
can live closer together too.
Down through the centuries, Ireland and Britain have
inflicted too much pain, each on the other. But now, the UK and Ireland as two
modern countries, we can try to put our histories behind us, try to forgive and
forget those age-old enmities.
We have both grown up now. A new generation is in power in
We now have a real opportunity to put our relations on a
completely new footing, not least through working together in Europe. I know
that is what our peoples want and I believe we can deliver it.
Our ties are already rich and diverse: — the UK is the
largest market for Irish goods. And you are our fifth most important market in
· in trade
unions, professional bodies and the voluntary sector, our people work together
to help their communities; in culture, sport and academic life there is an
enormous crossover. Our theatres are full of Irish plays. Our television is
full of Irish actors and presenters. Your national football team has a few
English accents too;
· above all,
at the personal level, millions of Irish people live and work in Britain, and
hundreds of thousands of us visit you every year.
As ties strengthen, so the past can be put behind us.
Nowhere was this better illustrated than at the remarkable ceremony at Messines
earlier this month. Representatives of nationalists and unionists travelled
together to Flanders to remember shared suffering. Our army bands played
together. Our heads of state stood together. With our other European neighbors,
such a ceremony would be commonplace. For us it was a first. It shows how far
we have come. But it also shows we still have far to go.
The relationships across these islands are also changing in
a significant way.
The Taoiseach has spoken of the exciting new relationships
that will unfold as the people of Scotland and Wales, as well as Northern
Ireland, express their wishes through their own parliaments and assemblies. The
new British Irish Council must reflect and explore these opportunities. We have
much to gain by co-operating better across these islands in areas like
transport, education, the fight against illegal drugs.
But I want our co-operation to be wider and more fundamental
still — above all in Europe.
It is 25 years since we both joined what was then the EEC.
We have had different approaches to agriculture, to monetary union, to defence.
But increasingly we share a common agenda and common objectives:
of the Single Market and structural economic reform;
conditions for growth and jobs in Europe;
· a united
and coherent foreign policy voice for Europe;
· a more
effective fight against crime, drugs, illegal immigration and environmental
open and accountable European institutions.
We must work to make the single currency a success. Unlike
Ireland, we are not joining in the first wave. But we have made clear that we
are prepared to join later if the economic benefits are clear and unambiguous. For
my government, there is no political or constitutional barrier to joining.
There is no resistance to fullhearted European co-operation wherever this
brings added value to us all.
Enlargement will increasingly test our political and
economic imaginations, as we struggle with policy reform and future financing.
The international financial system must be reformed. We must learn to apply
real political will and harness our skills and resources far more effectively
to solve regional problems — notably in the Balkans and the Middle East. Above
all, Europe must restate its vision for today’s world, so that our people
understand why it is so important. This means defining the priorities where
common European action makes obvious sense and can make a real difference, like
economic co-ordination, foreign and security policy, the environment, crime and
drugs. It also means distinguishing them from areas where countries or regions
can best continue to make policy themselves, to suit local circumstances, while
still learning from each other — for example, tax, education, health, welfare.
That is why I want to forge new bonds with Dublin. Together
we can have a stronger voice in Europe and work to shape its future in a way
which suits all our people. It is said there was a time when Irish diplomats in
Europe spoke French in meetings to ensure they were clearly distinguished from
us. I hope those days are long behind us. We can accomplish much more when our
voices speak in harmony.
Our ministers and officials are increasingly consulting and
coordinating systematically. We can do more. I believe we can transform our
links if both sides are indeed ready to make the effort. For our part, we are.
This must also involve a dramatic new effort in bilateral
relations, above all to bring our young generations together. We need new youth
and school exchanges, contact through the new University for Industry, better
cultural programs in both directions. We need to work much more closely to
fight organized crime and drugs. We can do much more to enrich each other’s
experience in areas like health care and welfare.
None of this threatens our separate identities. Co-operation
does not mean losing distinctiveness.
What the Taoiseach and I seek is a new dimension to our
relationships — a real partnership between governments and peoples, which will
engage our societies at every level.
We have therefore agreed to launch a new intensive process.
The Taoiseach and I will meet again next spring in London, with key ministerial
colleagues, to give this the necessary impetus and agenda, and will thereafter
meet at least once a year to review progress. This will be part of the work of
the new Intergovernmental Conference. The objective is threefold:
revitalized and modernized bilateral relations where we can finally put the
burden of history behind us;
· second, a
habit of close consultation on European issues, marked by a step-change in
contacts at every level, particularly in key areas such as agriculture, justice
and home affairs, employment and foreign and security policy;
working together on international issues more widely, for example UN
peacekeeping, to which both our countries have been important contributors,
arms proliferation and the Middle East.
What I welcome above all is that, after keeping us apart for
so long, Northern Ireland is now helping to bring us closer together. But I do
not believe Northern Ireland can or should any longer define the relationship
between us. Our common interests, what we can achieve together, go much, much
wider than that.
Our two countries can look to the future with confidence in
our separate ways. But we will be stronger and more prosperous working
That is my ambition. I know it is shared by the Taoiseach. I
believe it is an ambition shared by both our nations. The 21st century awaits
us. Let us confront its challenge with confidence, and together give our
children the future they deserve.
Tony Blair – November 26, 1998