Editorial
Those Alarming Poverty Statistics
Recently, the National Bureau of Statistics released a disturbing data of the deteriorating standard of living in Nigeria.
The Statistician General of the Federation, Dr Yemi Kale at a media briefing in Abuja, confirmed what has been speculated in many quarters that absolute poverty is on an upward swing even as the country looks forward to celebrate 12 years of unbroken democratic rule in May this year.
According to the bureau, an estimated 71.5 per cent of the population was relatively poor while 62.8 per cent wallow in absolute poverty. The figure showed an increase of 2.5 per cent rate as against the 69 per cent recorded in 2010.
This means that with a population of 156 million, about 112.52 million Nigerians live below poverty line.
While the relative poverty level refers to living standards of majority of the people in any given society, the absolute poverty relates to the minimal requirements necessary to afford minimal standards of food, clothing, healthcare and shelter.
The national poverty data is indeed mind-burgling, but it is even more so when taken on geo-political and state basis. For instance, the North West and North East zones of the country that accounted for the highest poverty rates recorded 77.7 per cent and 76.3 per cent, respectively. The South West, which accounted for the lowest rate, recoded as high as 59.1 per cent as at the end of 2010.
It is even more heart-rending to notice that a particular state, Sokoto, had the highest number of poor people in the country, with 86.4 per cent of its population identified as not enjoying good living standards.
Just as poverty permeates through over three quarters of Nigerian families, poverty’s handmaidens; hunger, ignorance and disease, have remained like implacable monsters.
It is an undeniable fact that very few Nigerians enjoy three square meals a day. This was the situation that prompted the Olusegun Obasanjo civilian administration to experiment on a free meal programme for school children a couple of years ago.
Access to qualitative education and healthcare has also remained the exclusive preserve of a few rich Nigerians and political office holders who can afford them even beyond the shores of Nigeria.
According to a United Nations report published last year, life expectancy in Nigeria is as low as 48.4 years. The same report also put the Human Development Index (HDI) at 0.423, which ranked the country 142 out of 169 countries with comparable data.
Though the HDI of Sub-Saharan Africa increased from 0.295 in 1980 to 0.389 in 2010, Nigeria is just ranked a little above the sub-regional average.
The HDI trend tells an important story both at the national and regional levels, and highlights the very wide gaps in well-being and life chances that continue to divide our interconnected world.
Nigeria’s expenditure on public health as at 2010 was put at 1.7 per cent of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), while under five mortality stood at 186 out of every 1,000 live births. It is no longer news that Nigeria has continued to feature in the list of countries that stood the least chance of achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Measures to try to redress the disturbing trend has never been more urgent than now that extreme poverty has also been implicated as among the root causes of the recent threat of insecurity in the country by the Boko Haram sect.
Even as we acknowledge the efforts by the federal and some state governments at wresting the nation’s populace from the stranglehold of poverty through the creation of more employment opportunities for women and youths as exemplified by the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE), we make bold to say that the efforts will remain largely ineffectual if they are not concerted.
For instance, the war to eliminate corruption must be fought at all levels and from all fronts. The heads of all public and private institutions must see themselves as vanguards in the corruption war. If corruption is eliminated and resources are appropriately deployed, certainly the nation will begin to experience development in all sectors.
It is by eliminating corruption that we have conserve funds for education, healthcare and power supply, road infrastructure and agriculture which are some of the key areas that must be stimulated for poverty to be consigned to the dustbin of history. Also, adequate power supply is bound to reactivate the manufacturing sector, and with a vibrant agricultural sector, millions of jobs will be created.
There is again the need to discourage excessive importation which takes a large chunk of our foreign exchange. To do so, government must enforce regulations on product quality so that we do not just manufacture products that cannot stand in the face of competition from imported brands.
To grant access to quality healthcare for the citizenry, the National Health Insurance Scheme must be strengthened. Again, access to education must continue to be widened through free education.
To eliminate poverty, we must eliminate ignorance. Ignorant people do not create wealth, they engage in social crime as a way of fighting back against their perceived negligence.
Above all, free and fair election is key to restoring people’s confidence in their leaders, and without leaders chosen by the people, there can be no trust and participation of people in development programmes. Hence such programmes are bound to fail.
Governments at all levels must take a critical look at the recent statistics to see that the much touted dividends of democracy are yet to trickle down to the millions of Nigerians from who our leaders claim to derive their authority.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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