Editorial
FG And Kerosene Scarcity
Like a festering sore, the issue of kerosene scarcity had persisted at various times in different parts of the country. Sometimes, the product, otherwise known as Dual Purpose Kerosene (DPK), would be so scarce that many Nigerians are compelled to seek various alternatives.
In such circumstance, the privileged resort to the use of gas not minding its high-risk value while the less privileged embark on various methods of extracting dry firewood, including bush burning from the already depleted forests. Some even surrender to the use of charcoal for cooking.
But while the kerosene scarcity persists, its negative consequences are usually most unfortunate. Some callous businessmen cash in on the situation to adulterate the little quantity in circulation. And like a keg of gun power awaiting ignition, massive fire explosions claim many lives and raze houses.
In Rivers State, the effect has not been less severe. Not too long ago, a 12-year old Hope Fadae was flown to South Africa for medical treatment after a weekend kerosene explosion that killed his parents and three siblings. The list of victims and casualties is endless as adulterated kerosene-induced explosions had claimed lives at Abonnema Wharf, Eagle Island, Railway Quarters and other parts of the state.
Early in the year when kerosene scarcity resurfaced in Port Harcourt, about eight people lost their lives to kerosene explosion, and no fewer than 5,000 residents of Elechi Beach were rendered homeless.
Once more, Dual Purpose Kerosene has disappeared, and its absence is biting hard on the users as the product is either not seen or available at extremely exorbitant prices above the reach of the common people. The Tide’s recent market survey indicates that a litre of kerosene which officially sold for N2,400 is now N4,300 while a bottle rose from N100 to N300. As usual, reasons have been adduced for the scarcity.
While government officials said the post-election violence in the Northern part of the country was responsible, officials of Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) argued that the partial deregulation of the product was reason for the scarcity. The IPMAN’s South East Zone Chairman, Chief Chukwudi Ezinwa, explained that while petrol is still subsidised, kerosene is partially deregulated.
Be that as it may, we are more concerned on government’s move to find a lasting solution to the scarcity, and give succour to the already over-stretched masses whose lives ultimately depend on use of kerosene without alternatives.
While we are not oblivious of the long term benefits of deregulation to the people and the economy of the nation, which include availability and quality content of the product, we make haste to say that the Federal Government should, as a matter of urgency, make a bold and definite statement on the nagging issue of deregulation while taking serious action to address the life-threatening situation.
Agreed, it is not unlikely that the post-election violence in some parts of the North may have contributed to the difficulty in procuring and circulating the product within the period, its lingering effect could not have escalated to the current magnitude as witnessed in various parts of the country. Even so, the fact that the scarcity has persisted in the South East, South South and South West, which did not witness any post-election violence gives room for more answers to this troubling enigma.
Nevertheless, we urge government not to relent in seeking measures to cushion the harsh effects of the scarcity and the exorbitant price of kerosene on the people. In fact, we insist that government should introduce economic policies that would benefit the masses and also ensure that corrupt officials do not hijack the process and impoverish society the more. For instance, several poverty alleviation programmes introduced in the past were abused as there became conduit pipes for siphoning government funds.
Unless this is checked, the years of sacrifice and unquantifiable contributions of the oil-bearing communities in the Niger Delta would be in vain, if nothing is urgently done to ensure that they are not starved of the end-product extracted from their soil, even if they must pay for it.
We are, however, not unmindful of the antics of dubious elements in the country whose stock-in-trade hinges on greed and sharp practices to circumvent government’s people-oriented programmes for their selfish interests.
Such people must be checked in their tracks for President Goodluck Jonathan to sustain his efforts, now a reference point, at ensuring availability of petroleum products nationwide. The Tide expects that the various arms of government and extra-ministerial agencies such as the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) War Room, including officials of the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), Pipeline Products Marketing Company (PPMC) and Petroleum Products Pricing and Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) should synergise with major and independent marketers for the purposes of maintaining unfettered delivery of petroleum products to the masses.
In addition, government should endeavour to put to optimal use the nation’s existing four refineries, and expose economic saboteurs in the system who would not see anything good with our refineries functioning in full capacity.
It is, indeed a cheering news that private investors are at the verge of establishing refineries. But we note that the take-off of these refineries and the attendant encumbrances are quite discouraging. We, therefore, urge the Federal Government to ensure full commitment and engage genuine and sincere investors. Such enduring plans, no doubt, would end the frequent scarcity of petrol and diesel which are already scarce in some parts of the country, and particularly kerosene, which is so dear to the common people.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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