Editorial
Jega And The Challenges Of Credible Polls
Last Tuesday, Nigerian President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan nominated and submitted to the Senate for approval, Prof Attahiru Jega as the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), thus ending weeks of speculations, anxiety, lobbying and name-dropping over the replacement of Prof Maurice Iwu, the former INEC boss.
Before the much awaited screening, by the National Assembly on June 28, the Council of States had in its meeting in Abuja last week, overwhelmingly endorsed the president’s nominee.
Since then, Jega’s nomination, has continued to attract applause from all strata of society, apparently, because of his integrity, academic track record and human rights activist pedigree, being a former chairman of Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) and incumbent vice chancellor, Bayero University, Kano (BUK). Indeed, we join all other well-meaning Nigerians to salute Jega’s nomination which if endorsed by the National Assembly will make him first person from the North to be Nigeria’s Chief electoral umpire.
We also commend President Jonathan for keeping to his promise of giving Nigerians a creditable person to superintend over affairs of the INEC at this momentous time of Nigeria’s march to a true democracy, through an electoral process where all voters must count. We see the nomination of Attahiru Jega, variously described as a man of letters, integrity and vanguard of human rights as the nation’s chief electoral umpire as a signpost of good things to come and a determination pm Jonathan’s part to deliver to Nigerians and the international community an electoral process and outcome to be proud of.
No doubt, the antecedents and credentials of Attahiru Jega are very intimidating and speak volumes of his accounability. But we believe, without any fear of contradictions, that the former BUK Vice Chancellor and human rights activist needs more than an impressive academic and human rights record and pedigree to make the much expected difference in the national assignment.
We say so because all Jega’s predecessors in the office with similar shinning credentials were known to have conducted questionable elections and ended their tenures without national honours. Right from the tenure of Chief Eyo Esua as the first indigenous chief electoral umpire in 1964 to his succssors (in a descending order), Chief Michael Ani, Justice Victor Ovie Whisky, Prof Eme Awa, Prof Humphrey Nwosu, Prof Okon Uya, Chief Sumner Dagogo-Jack, Justice Fayuyitan Oluyemi, Justice Ephraim Akpata, Dr Abel Guobadia and the last, Prof Maurice Iwu, Nigeria has had disputed elections of disgraceful dimensions, some of which are yet to be resolved, more than three years after their conduct.
Actually, this is not a healthy environment and Nigerians are hopeful that this time around, Jega and his team prevent, another painful walk down that road again. With less than nine months to the 2011 general elections, the task before Jega is by no means a challenging and Herculean one. Luckily enough, Jega’s new job is a familiar terrain, having been consultant to Prof Iwu-led INEC and a member of Hon Justice Uwais panel on electoral reforms, and should bring his wealth of experience to bear on his new assignment.
The first step towards succedding where others failed is for Jega to work towards the institutionalization of the electoral reforms as recommended by Uwais Electoral Reform report. This will put the electoral commission and its operators in a stable position to effectively check electoral flaws and system failure. Jega’s predecessors failed not because they had no good pedigree, but largely due to what could be dubbed “system errors” especially among the operators of the electoral system. Therefore, it will not be out of place to insist that the federal government gives Jega free hand to assemble transparent people to work with if for nothing else, to help checkmate dubious politicians who might not like to play by the rules. For, we believe that if those going to work with Jega’s INEC, like National Commissioners and the Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) are not men and women of integrity, then every effort by the new INEC boss at making a difference will be a wasted one.
The Tide is aware that one of the problems of INEC is poor funding. This time around, the Federal Government, should as a matter of urgency, ensure adequate funding of the commission as and when due to enable it deliver the much-needed free, fair and credible elections. The issues of revalidation of voters register, delineation of wards, etc, should be of immediate concern to INEC this time around. A situation, for instance, in which registered voters cannot find their names on the register displayed in their areas of primary residency, as was common place in the past, cannot only discourage participatory democracy but also give wrong signals that the electoral process lacks the necessary credibility, hence the loss of hope for better Nigeria. Therefore, INEC must address the problem now as such will go a long way in rekindling the hope of the ordinary Nigerian on the electoral process.
Above all, INEC in conjunction with the National Orientation Agency (NOA), should urgently, commence sensitization of Nigerians in order to inculcate in them good electoral values. It must also include INEC staff who are often gullible and some times tempted to compromise their integrity.
Even with the seemingly shot time at his disposal, Jega, a consensus builder should learn from the mistakes of the past and bring to bear courage, independence and integrity necessary to lead INEC. The right leadership and strong political will to make the electoral system work must be brought to bear. We expect fundamental improvements on the conduct of future elections. That way, the confidence of Nigerians on the system can be restored and this will nurture the democratic project.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.