Editorial
That Jos Massacre: Need For Urgent Action
For the fifth time, in less than a decade, Jos, the capital city of Plateau State, was penultimate Sunday engulfed by another round of violence and mayhem, resulting in the massacre of not less than 200 Nigerians, mostly defenceless women and children.
According to media reports, the killings took place in the early hours of Sunday, when, Dogo-Na-Hawa, Ratsat and Jeji Villages in Foron district, Jos South Local Government Area of the state came under, attacks by yet to be identified Hausa Fulani fighters.
Surprisingly while security operatives were sniffing the ground to fish out the perpetrators of the diabolic killings, the hoodlums in the wee hours of Wednesday March 17, 2010, swooped on Byei and Baten villages in Riyom Local Government Area and left no fewer than 13 persons dead.
Coming barely two months after an earlier major outbreak of violence on January 17, this year, in which, more than 350 were reportedly killed, this fresh round of attacks which is a senseless bloodletting and brute display of disrespect for human life should worry all well-meaning Nigerians.
The Tide is even more disturbed because we are aware that after the January 17, episode, the Presidency, under Vice President Goodluck Jonathan (as he then was) after a security session with service chiefs, deployed Federal Troops to the violence-torn city with the primary intention of checking reprisal attacks and also imposed dusk-to-dawn curfew on the state.
This is why it becomes suspect, that areas being guarded by Federal Troops intended to check further escalation of the mayhem and also help identify culprits, would come under such enemy attack, in which a yet to yet-to-be officially confirmed 200 persons were killed, in cold blood. What went wrong?
We ask because, the essence of a dusk to dawn curfew after major disturbances of the kind witnessed by Jos, are among others, to restrict movement of men and weaponry and help nip in the bud any likely breach of the Peace. In such operations, Troops also embark on extensive mopping up of illegal fire arms and possibly make suspects face the law.
So what went wrong? We ask again because it is no longer acceptable to look the other way and watch the now frequent killings in parts of the country, particularly, Jos and do nothing. In fact, the frequency should also worry all well-meaning Nigerians as should the number of human casualties in each of the disturbances.
Between September 7 and 17, 2001, for instance, when, the first major ethno-religious riot broke-out in Jos, more than 1,000 lives were lost. And in 2004, following clashes in Yelwa, 500 persones were killed forcing then President Olusegun Obasanjo to declare a state of emergency. Later in 2008, disputes over council elections, in the Jos North area of the state claimed as many as 700 lives. With that Nigerians in unison screamed enough is enough and at once actuated the tough talk by the federal government that all culprits would be brought to book. With that assurance Nigerians were hopeful that not only would any repeat of such senseless killings be unfanciful, deliberate efforts would be made also to fish out masterminds of the near frequent cases of violence in the city.
That was why the January 17, 2010 disturbances left a very sour taste in many a mouth. Why, for instance, should an issue as insignificant as disputed plot of land, hardly good enough for a family, cause the deaths of 350, among them women and children?
Apparently, it was to check any possible repeat or escalation of the violence that the city of Jos, had for nearly two more months been under huge military presence uptil the March Mayhem.
This is why complicity by some thorn coats within the rank and file of the Federal Troops cannot be completely ruled out, if the gory tales of massacre recounted by survivors are any leads to go by.
The Tide is not interested in the blame game between the Army and the state Governor, Jonah Jang, because it takes no one any where further than pointing accusing fingers that fishes out no one.
Now, therefore, is when Acting President Goodluck Jonathan must make good his promise to restore confidence on the Federal Government by fishing out those either directly or remotely responsible for the brutal killings. The way to achieve that is for the Federal government to release reports of previous panels of enquiry into the many crises that had rocked the city and elsewhere, with a view to making such persons account for their acts of commission or omission and digging even deeper into the latest madness.
The indecision of successive state and Federal governments to take bold and stern actions against blood tasty ethno-religious demagogues, have over time, created the impression that some Nigerians are untouchable under the laws of the land.
The Tide for a change calls for a comprehensive probe of the events of Sunday, March 7, 2010, and Wednesday March 17 , 2010 in particular and all others in which many have lost their lives. The outcome of such probe must be made public and culprits punished in a timely fashion. That, in our view is one of the surest ways of checking any reprisal attacks from aggrieved parties who may be forced to seek Justice, of the brute kind which they are being reminded daily, only might can give.
The Tide agrees with judicial doyens that “the greatest incitement to crime is the hope of escaping punishment” and would wish to warn that unless very decisive action is taken against those fingered by the Ajibola Panel and others, the viscious circle of senseless blood letting will endure.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.