Tony Blairs Moving Speech To The Irish Palliament, The First
\nBritish Prime Minister To Do So, In The 80 Year Existence Of That Parliament<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
On Thursday, November 26, 1998, Tony Blair made history by
\nbecoming the first British Prime Minister ever to address the Irish Parliament.<\/p>\n
That Parliament had been created 80 years earlier in open
\ndefiance of the British government which Blair now headed. Ireland had won its
\nindependence from Great Britain after a bloody insurrection in the early 1920s,
\nmarking the beginning of decades of intense animosity and outright violence. In
\nthis speech, Blair recalls his own Irish roots and declares an end to more than
\n800 years of enmity between England and Ireland.<\/p>\n
Members of the Dail and Seanad, after all the long and torn
\nhistory of our two peoples, standing here as the first British prime minister
\never to address the joint Houses of the Oireachtas, I feel profoundly both the
\nhistory in this event, and I feel profoundly the enormity of the honour that
\nyou are bestowing upon me. From the bottom of my heart, go raibh mile maith
\nagaibh.<\/p>\n
Ireland, as you may know, is in my blood. My mother was born
\nin the flat above her grandmother\u2019s hardware shop on the main street of
\nBallyshannon in Donegal. She lived there as a child, started school there and
\nonly moved when her father died; her mother remarried and they crossed the
\nwater to Glasgow.<\/p>\n
We spent virtually every childhood summer holiday up to when
\nthe troubles really took hold in Ireland, usually at Rossnowlagh, the Sands
\nHouse Hotel, I think it was. And we would travel in the beautiful countryside
\nof Donegal. It was there in the seas off the Irish coast that I learned to
\nswim, there that my father took me to my first pub, a remote little house in
\nthe country, for a Guinness, a taste I\u2019ve never forgotten and which it is
\nalways a pleasure to repeat.<\/p>\n
Even now, in my constituency of Sedgefield, which at one
\ntime had 30 pits or more, all now gone, virtually every community remembers
\nthat its roots lie in Irish migration to the mines of Britain.<\/p>\n
So like it or not, we, the British and the Irish, are
\nirredeemably linked.<\/p>\n
We experienced and absorbed the same waves of invasions:
\nCelts, Vikings, Normans , all left their distinctive mark on our countries.
\nOver a thousand years ago, the monastic traditions formed the basis for both
\nour cultures. Sadly, the power games of medieval monarchs and feudal chiefs
\nsowed the seeds of later trouble.<\/p>\n
Yet it has always been simplistic to portray our differences
\nas simply Irish versus English,\u00a0 or
\nBritish. There were, after all, many in Britain too who suffered greatly at the
\nhands of powerful absentee landlords, who were persecuted for their religion,
\nor who were for centuries disenfranchised. And each generation in Britain has
\nbenefited, as ours does, from the contribution of Irishmen and women.<\/p>\n
Today the links between our parliaments are continued by the
\nBritish-Irish Parliamentary Body, and last month 60 of our MPs set up a new
\nall-party \u201cIrish in Britain Parliamentary Group.\u201d<\/p>\n
Irish parliamentarians have made a major contribution to our
\nshared parliamentary history. Let me single out just two:<\/p>\n
\u00b7Daniel O\u2019Connell, who fought against injustice to extend a
\nfranchise restricted by religious prejudice;<\/p>\n
\u00b7Charles Stewart Parnell, whose statue stands today in the
\nHouse of Commons and whose political skills and commitment to social justice
\nmade such an impact in that House.<\/p>\n
So much shared history, so much shared pain.<\/p>\n
And now the shared hope of a new beginning.<\/p>\n
The peace process is at a difficult juncture. Progress is
\nbeing made, but slowly. There is an impasse over the establishment of the
\nexecutive; there is an impasse over decommissioning. But I have been optimistic
\nthe whole way through. And I am optimistic now. Let us not underestimate how
\nfar we have come; and let us agree that we have come too far to go back now.<\/p>\n
Politics is replacing violence as the way people do
\nbusiness. The Good Friday Agreement, overwhelmingly endorsed by the people on
\nboth sides of the Border, holds out the prospect of a peaceful long-term future
\nfor Northern Ireland, and the whole island of Ireland.<\/p>\n
The Northern Ireland Bill provides for the new Assembly and
\nExecutive, the North-South Ministerial Council, and the British-Irish Council.
\nIt incorporates the principle of consent into British constitutional law and
\nrepeals the Government of Ireland Act of 1920. It establishes a Human Rights
\nCommission with the power to support individual cases. We will have an Equality
\nCommission to police a new duty on all public bodies in Northern Ireland to
\npromote equality of opportunity. We have set up the Patten Commission to review
\npolicing. We are scaling down the military presence. Prisoners are being
\nreleased.<\/p>\n
None of this is easy. I get many letters from the victims of
\nviolence asking why we are freeing terrorist prisoners. It is a tough question
\nbut my answer is clear: the agreement would never have come about if we had not
\ntackled the issue of prisoners. That agreement heralds the prospect of an end
\nto violence and a peaceful future for Northern Ireland. Our duty is to carry it
\nout. That is a duty I feel more strongly than ever, having seen for myself the
\nhorror of Omagh. This was not the first such atrocity. But with all of my
\nbeing, I will it to be the last. I will never forget the meeting I had, with
\nBill Clinton, with survivors, and with relatives of those who died. Their
\nsuffering and their courage was an inspiration. They will never forget their
\nloved ones. Nor must we. We owe it to them above all to build a lasting peace,
\nwhen we have the best opportunity in a generation to do so.<\/p>\n
The Taoiseach\u2019s personal contribution has been immense. I
\npay tribute to his tireless dedication. I value his friendship. I also salute
\nthe courage of our predecessors, Deputy Albert Reynolds, Deputy John Bruton and
\nJohn Major; and I also salute Deputy Dick Spring, whose role in this process
\ngoes back a long way.<\/p>\n
Like us, you are living up to your side of the bargain too.
\nYou have voted to end the territorial claim over Northern Ireland, essential to
\nthe agreement.<\/p>\n
It is time now for all the parties to live up to all their
\ncommitments. Time for North\/South bodies to be established to start a new era
\nof co-operation between you and Northern Ireland, I hope agreement on these is
\nnow close. Time to set up the institutions of the new government. Time for the
\ngun and the threat of the gun to be taken out of politics once and for all; for
\ndecommissioning to start.<\/p>\n
I am not asking anyone to surrender. I am asking everyone to
\ndeclare the victory of peace.<\/p>\n
In Belfast or Dublin, people say the same thing: make the
\nagreement work.<\/p>\n
It is never far from my mind. My sense of urgency and
\nmission comes from the children in Northern Ireland. I reflect on those who
\nhave been victims of violence, whose lives are scarred and twisted through the
\nrandom wickedness of a terrorist act, on those who grow up in fear, those whose
\nparents and loved ones have died.<\/p>\n
And I reflect on those, who though untouched directly by
\nviolence, are nonetheless victims \u2014 victims of mistrust and misunderstanding
\nwho through lack of a political settlement miss the chance of new friendships,
\nnew horizons, because of the isolation from others that the sectarian way of
\nlife brings.<\/p>\n
I reflect on the sheer waste of children taught to hate when
\nI believe passionately children should be taught to think.<\/p>\n
Don\u2019t believe anyone who says the British people don\u2019t care
\nabout the peace process. People in my country care deeply about it, are willing
\nit to work. And in our two countries, it is not just the politicians who have a
\nrole to play.<\/p>\n
No one should ignore the injustices of the past, or the
\nlessons of history. But too often between us, one person\u2019s history has been
\nanother person\u2019s myth.<\/p>\n
We need not be prisoners of our history. My generation in
\nBritain sees Ireland differently today and probably the same generation here
\nfeels differently about Britain.<\/p>\n
We can understand the emotions generated by Northern
\nIreland\u2019s troubles, but we cannot really believe, as we approach the 21st
\ncentury, there is not a better way forward to the future than murder, terrorism
\nand sectarian hatred.<\/p>\n
We see a changed Republic of Ireland today:<\/p>\n
\u00b7a modern, open economy;<\/p>\n
\u00b7after the long years of emigration, people beginning to
\ncome back for the quality of life you now offer;<\/p>\n
\u00b7a country part of Europe\u2019s mainstream, having made the most
\nof European structural funds but no longer reliant on them;<\/p>\n
\u00b7some of the best business brains in the business world;<\/p>\n
\u00b7leaders in popular culture, U2, the Corrs, Boyzone,
\nB-Witched;<\/p>\n
\u00b7a country that had the courage to elect its first woman
\npresident and liked it so much, you did it again; and the politics of Northern
\nIreland would be better for a few more women in prominent positions too.<\/p>\n
And you see, I hope, a Britain emerging from its post-Empire
\nmalaise, modernizing, becoming as confident of its future as it once was of its
\npast.<\/p>\n
The programme of the new Labour government: driving up
\nstandards in education; welfare reform; monetary and fiscal stability as the
\nfoundation of a modern economy; massive investment in our public services tied
\nto the challenge of modernization; a huge programme of constitutional change; a
\nnew positive attitude to Europe \u2014 it is a program of national renewal as
\nambitious as any undertaken in any western democracy in recent times.<\/p>\n
It is precisely the dramatic changes in both countries that
\nallow us to see the possibilities of change in our relationship with each
\nother.<\/p>\n
It will require vision, but no more than the vision that has
\ntransformed Ireland. It will require imagination, but no more than that shown
\nby the British people in the last two years. The old ways are changing between
\nLondon and Dublin. And this can spur the change and healing in Northern Ireland
\ntoo. The old notions of unionist supremacy and of narrow nationalism are
\ngradually having their fingers prised from their grip on the future.<\/p>\n
Different traditions have to understand each other. Just as
\nwe must understand your yearning for a united Ireland, so too must you
\nunderstand what the best of unionism is about. They are good and decent people,
\njust like you. They want to remain part of the UK \u2014 and I have made it clear
\nthat I value that wish. They feel threatened. Threatened by the terrorism with
\nwhich they have had to live for so long. Threatened, until the Good Friday
\nAgreement, that they would be forced into a united Ireland against the will of
\nthe people of Northern Ireland.<\/p>\n
Yet they realize now that a framework in which consent is
\nguaranteed is also one in which basic rights of equality and justice are
\nguaranteed, and that those who wish a united Ireland are free to make that
\nclaim, provided it is democratically expressed, just as those who believe in
\nthe Union can make their claim.<\/p>\n
It is all about belonging. The wish of unionists to belong
\nto the UK. The wish of nationalists to belong to Ireland. Both traditions are
\nreasonable. There are no absolutes. The beginning of understanding is to
\nrealize that.<\/p>\n
My point is very simple. Those urges to belong, divergent as
\nthey are, can live together more easily if we, Britain and the Irish Republic,
\ncan live closer together too.<\/p>\n
Down through the centuries, Ireland and Britain have
\ninflicted too much pain, each on the other. But now, the UK and Ireland as two
\nmodern countries, we can try to put our histories behind us, try to forgive and
\nforget those age-old enmities.<\/p>\n
We have both grown up now. A new generation is in power in
\neach country.<\/p>\n
We now have a real opportunity to put our relations on a
\ncompletely new footing, not least through working together in Europe. I know
\nthat is what our peoples want and I believe we can deliver it.<\/p>\n
Our ties are already rich and diverse: \u2014 the UK is the
\nlargest market for Irish goods. And you are our fifth most important market in
\nthe world;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 in trade
\nunions, professional bodies and the voluntary sector, our people work together
\nto help their communities; in culture, sport and academic life there is an
\nenormous crossover. Our theatres are full of Irish plays. Our television is
\nfull of Irish actors and presenters. Your national football team has a few
\nEnglish accents too;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 above all,
\nat the personal level, millions of Irish people live and work in Britain, and
\nhundreds of thousands of us visit you every year.<\/p>\n
As ties strengthen, so the past can be put behind us.
\nNowhere was this better illustrated than at the remarkable ceremony at Messines
\nearlier this month. Representatives of nationalists and unionists travelled
\ntogether to Flanders to remember shared suffering. Our army bands played
\ntogether. Our heads of state stood together. With our other European neighbors,
\nsuch a ceremony would be commonplace. For us it was a first. It shows how far
\nwe have come. But it also shows we still have far to go.<\/p>\n
The relationships across these islands are also changing in
\na significant way.<\/p>\n
The Taoiseach has spoken of the exciting new relationships
\nthat will unfold as the people of Scotland and Wales, as well as Northern
\nIreland, express their wishes through their own parliaments and assemblies. The
\nnew British Irish Council must reflect and explore these opportunities. We have
\nmuch to gain by co-operating better across these islands in areas like
\ntransport, education, the fight against illegal drugs.<\/p>\n
But I want our co-operation to be wider and more fundamental
\nstill \u2014 above all in Europe.<\/p>\n
It is 25 years since we both joined what was then the EEC.
\nWe have had different approaches to agriculture, to monetary union, to defence.
\nBut increasingly we share a common agenda and common objectives:<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 completion
\nof the Single Market and structural economic reform;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 better
\nconditions for growth and jobs in Europe;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 successful
\nenlargement;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 a united
\nand coherent foreign policy voice for Europe;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 a more
\neffective fight against crime, drugs, illegal immigration and environmental
\ndamage;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 flexible,
\nopen and accountable European institutions.<\/p>\n
We must work to make the single currency a success. Unlike
\nIreland, we are not joining in the first wave. But we have made clear that we
\nare prepared to join later if the economic benefits are clear and unambiguous. For
\nmy government, there is no political or constitutional barrier to joining.
\nThere is no resistance to fullhearted European co-operation wherever this
\nbrings added value to us all.<\/p>\n
Enlargement will increasingly test our political and
\neconomic imaginations, as we struggle with policy reform and future financing.
\nThe international financial system must be reformed. We must learn to apply
\nreal political will and harness our skills and resources far more effectively
\nto solve regional problems \u2014 notably in the Balkans and the Middle East. Above
\nall, Europe must restate its vision for today\u2019s world, so that our people
\nunderstand why it is so important. This means defining the priorities where
\ncommon European action makes obvious sense and can make a real difference, like
\neconomic co-ordination, foreign and security policy, the environment, crime and
\ndrugs. It also means distinguishing them from areas where countries or regions
\ncan best continue to make policy themselves, to suit local circumstances, while
\nstill learning from each other \u2014 for example, tax, education, health, welfare.<\/p>\n
That is why I want to forge new bonds with Dublin. Together
\nwe can have a stronger voice in Europe and work to shape its future in a way
\nwhich suits all our people. It is said there was a time when Irish diplomats in
\nEurope spoke French in meetings to ensure they were clearly distinguished from
\nus. I hope those days are long behind us. We can accomplish much more when our
\nvoices speak in harmony.<\/p>\n
Our ministers and officials are increasingly consulting and
\ncoordinating systematically. We can do more. I believe we can transform our
\nlinks if both sides are indeed ready to make the effort. For our part, we are.<\/p>\n
This must also involve a dramatic new effort in bilateral
\nrelations, above all to bring our young generations together. We need new youth
\nand school exchanges, contact through the new University for Industry, better
\ncultural programs in both directions. We need to work much more closely to
\nfight organized crime and drugs. We can do much more to enrich each other\u2019s
\nexperience in areas like health care and welfare.<\/p>\n
None of this threatens our separate identities. Co-operation
\ndoes not mean losing distinctiveness.<\/p>\n
What the Taoiseach and I seek is a new dimension to our
\nrelationships \u2014 a real partnership between governments and peoples, which will
\nengage our societies at every level.<\/p>\n
We have therefore agreed to launch a new intensive process.
\nThe Taoiseach and I will meet again next spring in London, with key ministerial
\ncolleagues, to give this the necessary impetus and agenda, and will thereafter
\nmeet at least once a year to review progress. This will be part of the work of
\nthe new Intergovernmental Conference. The objective is threefold:<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 first,
\nrevitalized and modernized bilateral relations where we can finally put the
\nburden of history behind us;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 second, a
\nhabit of close consultation on European issues, marked by a step-change in
\ncontacts at every level, particularly in key areas such as agriculture, justice
\nand home affairs, employment and foreign and security policy;<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 third,
\nworking together on international issues more widely, for example UN
\npeacekeeping, to which both our countries have been important contributors,
\narms proliferation and the Middle East.<\/p>\n
What I welcome above all is that, after keeping us apart for
\nso long, Northern Ireland is now helping to bring us closer together. But I do
\nnot believe Northern Ireland can or should any longer define the relationship
\nbetween us. Our common interests, what we can achieve together, go much, much
\nwider than that.<\/p>\n
Our two countries can look to the future with confidence in
\nour separate ways. But we will be stronger and more prosperous working
\ntogether.<\/p>\n
That is my ambition. I know it is shared by the Taoiseach. I
\nbelieve it is an ambition shared by both our nations. The 21st century awaits
\nus. Let us confront its challenge with confidence, and together give our
\nchildren the future they deserve.<\/p>\n
Tony Blair – November 26, 1998<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Tony Blairs Moving Speech To The Irish Palliament, The First British Prime Minister To Do So, In The 80 Year Existence Of That Parliament On Thursday, November 26, 1998, Tony Blair made history by becoming the first British Prime Minister ever to address the Irish Parliament. That Parliament had been created 80 years earlier […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":43,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[59],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-52656","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-wordsworth"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/52656","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/43"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=52656"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/52656\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=52656"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=52656"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thetidenewsonline.com\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=52656"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}