Reserved Seats for Women: A Step Forward

Quote:”The Reserved Seats Bill alone will not solve Nigeria’s gender imbalance, but rejecting it outrightly is a missed opportunity”.

In a country where women make up nearly half the population but occupy less than 5% of elected positions (19 seats in the National Assembly out of the 469 available seats, 45 out of the 991 available legislative seats in the 36 Houses of Assembly), the proposal for reserved legislative seats for women is as controversial as it is necessary. The Reserved Seats for Women Bill, sponsored by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, seeks to correct historical underrepresentation by creating additional seats exclusively for female legislators. The bill proposes 74 special seats in the House of Representatives and three per state in state assemblies. According to Kalu, the bill was not born out of sentiments, rather it is a bold move to provide for gender inclusion in governance space and to deepen democracy, dismissing the critics that see it as tokenism.

For decades, the nation’s political terrain has been male-dominated, not because of a lack of qualified women, but due to structural and cultural barriers—from violent campaigns to patriarchal party systems. Reserved seats will offer a corrective mechanism to level the playing field and amplify women’s voice in decision-making. Having more women in the legislature, even through reserved seats, will encourage more women to participate in politics over time. It will build confidence, inspire young girls, and create a leadership pipeline that challenges the idea that political leadership is the sole domain of men. Studies globally show that increased female participation leads to more inclusive policies, especially in health, education, child welfare, and gender-based violence. When women are present in parliaments, they bring different experiences and perspectives, resulting in more balanced governance.

Records are replete with African countries where there has been increased women’s participation in governance and politics due to their deliberate plans to give women a voice. In Rwanda for instance, their 2003 constitution mandated a minimum 30% quota for women in the legislature. Today, women hold over 60% of parliamentary seats—the highest share globally. Senegal, Namibia, Uganda, and Tanzania have all adopted gender quotas—voluntary or mandatory—and significantly boosted female representation. These models prove that quotas work when implemented sincerely and accompanied by broader reforms. Incidentally, successive governments in Nigeria have often paid lip service to women’s inclusion in governance and politics, despite public declarations and policies claiming to support gender equality.

Past administrations, both military and civilian, have often appointed a few women to prominent positions just to appear inclusive. These appointments were mostly symbolic, failing to translate into broader, systemic change or increased participation of women across all levels of governance. For instance, while notable figures like Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Oby Ezekwesili and others were appointed to high-profile positions, these individual successes did not reflect a deliberate and sustained effort to bridge the gender gap in political representation. Nigeria is a signatory to numerous international conventions and agreements promoting women’s rights, such as: The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW); The Beijing Platform for Action; The African Union’s Agenda 2063. Yet, implementation at the national level has been weak or nonexistent.

 The National Gender Policy (2006) recommended 35% affirmative action for women, but no administration has consistently met or enforced this. Prior to the 2023 election, President Bola Tinubu gave his words on women inclusion. he said, “Equity and fairness for women will be a top priority of the Tinubu government. Working with the National Assembly, we will aim to pass legislation promoting female employment in all government offices, ministries and agencies. The goal will be to increase women’s participation in government to at least 35 per cent of all governmental positions,” the manifesto reads. “The legislation shall also mandate the federal executive (particularly the cabinet and core senior advisers) to reserve a minimum number of senior positions for women. Private institutions shall be strongly encouraged to do likewise.” But two years down the road, we are yet to see a fulfilment of that promise. The appointment of eight female ministers out of 45 ministers still falls short of the targeted 35 per cent affirmative action and the National Gender Policy.

So, the reserved seats bill will be an opportunity to change the political landscape of the country and it needs all the support to make it work. However, while having a legislation on reserved seats for women is necessary, it is even more expedient to  address  the root causes of women’s underrepresentation such as; violent elections, party gatekeeping, high campaign costs, and cultural stigma. We recall how the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) women leader in Kogi State, Mrs. Salome Abuh was burnt alive in her residence in 2019. The same fate befell the Labour Party Women Leader in Kaura LGA of Kaduna State, Mrs. Victoria Chimtex. Without dealing with these barriers and providing adequate protection before, during and after elections, the reserved seat bill will not make any difference. Another concern is ensuring that if the bill sees the light of the day, the seats to be reserved will not be hijacked by the male party chieftains only to be given to the women loyal or close to them.

By that the aim of reserving the seats will be defeated as the choices of the people will not emerge. Some interested women may even be pressured to step down or be killed.Some critics have said that adding dozens of new seats to an already bloated legislature will overcrowd the legislature and raise governance cost. That is a genuine concern. In a struggling economy, increasing political offices could stretch public funds further without guaranteeing improved governance outcomes. The Reserved Seats Bill is long overdue. It will give more women a voice in politics; an easy way to achieve the much touted 35% affirmative action.  It will definitely provide a starting point to a better Nigeria. But it must be designed as a transitional mechanism, not a permanent crutch. Reserved seats should come with sunset clauses and clear pathways for transitioning to open electoral competition. Competition, the beauty of democracy, should not be eliminated from Nigeria’s political space.

Equally important, political parties must reform their internal nomination processes, cap campaign expenses, and create enabling environments for female aspirants. Other countries have successfully paired quotas with leadership training, legal protections, and party-level gender reforms. Nigeria must do the same if it hopes to turn numerical inclusion into meaningful participation. The Reserved Seats Bill alone will not solve Nigeria’s gender imbalance, but rejecting it outrightly is a missed opportunity. If thoughtfully implemented and paired with structural reforms, it can mark the beginning of a new chapter—where Nigerian women are not just seen, but heard in the halls of power. However, it is also important that the women prepare themselves for the task and put their best feet forward. Should the bill be passed by the National Assembly and be assented to by the President, only the women who know their onions, who can stand shoulder to shoulder with their male counterparts should occupy the reserved seats.